Mar 23, 2020, 2:01 PM OWNING The concept of ‘own’ cannot come into existence without others to compete with you for control of something, and as such as a means of enforcement by self, or others, justifying retaliation. Without others: |ACTIONS| I know of something or not > I act to bear a cost of it or not > I take physical control of it or not > i defend it or not > i engage in reciprocal defense of others or not (Property Ownership) > we construct institutions of defense or not (Rights Title). So, interest, where interest = born a cost. |INTEREST| potential interest > demonstrated interest > demonstrated possession > demonstrated defense > demonstrated reciprocal defense (property, ownership) > demonstrated institutional defense (property rights, title). You can demonstrate an potential interest, demonstrated interest, possession, independent of others. You can only demonstrate defense, property-ownership, rights-title with others. I mean. that’s a proof. In other words, that’s a set of series that fully disambiguate all dimensions, and prevents the use of sophistry (deceit) by conflation. We retroactively apply the terms rights property ownership given that we habituate the terms under our laws. But these terms are dependent on those laws and institutions – produced with others. Notice how I use “demonstrated” – meaning actions. Notice how I don’t use ‘ideals’ (Platonisms) without defining them operationally as how they came into being. You see? P uses this technique of disambiguation by operationalization, and serialization. This transforms what we call ‘logic’ into a system of measurment.
Theme: Coercion
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DEFINITION: Own, Owning, Ownership
Mar 23, 2020, 2:01 PM OWNING The concept of ‘own’ cannot come into existence without others to compete with you for control of something, and as such as a means of enforcement by self, or others, justifying retaliation. Without others: |ACTIONS| I know of something or not > I act to bear a cost of it or not > I take physical control of it or not > i defend it or not > i engage in reciprocal defense of others or not (Property Ownership) > we construct institutions of defense or not (Rights Title). So, interest, where interest = born a cost. |INTEREST| potential interest > demonstrated interest > demonstrated possession > demonstrated defense > demonstrated reciprocal defense (property, ownership) > demonstrated institutional defense (property rights, title). You can demonstrate an potential interest, demonstrated interest, possession, independent of others. You can only demonstrate defense, property-ownership, rights-title with others. I mean. that’s a proof. In other words, that’s a set of series that fully disambiguate all dimensions, and prevents the use of sophistry (deceit) by conflation. We retroactively apply the terms rights property ownership given that we habituate the terms under our laws. But these terms are dependent on those laws and institutions – produced with others. Notice how I use “demonstrated” – meaning actions. Notice how I don’t use ‘ideals’ (Platonisms) without defining them operationally as how they came into being. You see? P uses this technique of disambiguation by operationalization, and serialization. This transforms what we call ‘logic’ into a system of measurment.
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Property is Held by Force
Property is Held by Force https://propertarianism.com/2020/05/28/property-is-held-by-force/
Source date (UTC): 2020-05-28 12:54:01 UTC
Original post: https://twitter.com/i/web/status/1265989707667836928
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Property is Held by Force
Mar 30, 2020, 2:25 PM
—“Property is held by force. When someone claims a possession as their property, it means they will use force to keep it in their control.”—Chuckie Pfeiff
Now, why couldn’t I make it that simple. 😉 Demonstrated interest in fact. Possession in fact. Property by Defense. Property Norm By reciprocal defense Property Rights by institutional defense.
- I demonstrate an interest in fact
- I possess it in fact (contingent upon whether it’s possessable)
- I demand the reciprocity of property by defense.
- We create the institution of property by reciprocity
- We create the institution of property rights by creating an institution to insure the institution of property.
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Property is Held by Force
Mar 30, 2020, 2:25 PM
—“Property is held by force. When someone claims a possession as their property, it means they will use force to keep it in their control.”—Chuckie Pfeiff
Now, why couldn’t I make it that simple. 😉 Demonstrated interest in fact. Possession in fact. Property by Defense. Property Norm By reciprocal defense Property Rights by institutional defense.
- I demonstrate an interest in fact
- I possess it in fact (contingent upon whether it’s possessable)
- I demand the reciprocity of property by defense.
- We create the institution of property by reciprocity
- We create the institution of property rights by creating an institution to insure the institution of property.
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I Gained My Knowledge by Investigating and Prosecuting Them for White Collar Crimes
Apr 1, 2020, 6:12 PM Actually I know about (((them))) from prosecuting them for RICO, racketeering, churning, mortgage scams, wire fraud, bribery of court officials, data theft, tax evasion, lovely crimes like buying a ravine next to a child care, for next to nothing, and then trying to get a permit to build a halfway house next to it for sex offenders, and trying to force them to buy it at a ridiculous price out of self defense. It taught me both the law, and how it was being abused. I don’t care what wisdom literature says I care what results from Pilpul, Critique, and diasporic ethics. Now, my solution is to fix our laws so that ‘good people stay’ and ‘bad people leave’, but it’s not like I’m led by someone else’s opinion, or ‘the church’s gossip’. It’s because despite growing up with no experience in such things, I was able to identify a pattern of (((group))) behavior and how it’s endemic in the subculture and how it’s argued in (((their))) law and tradition. And research throughout history demonstrates that it’s been persistent for most of the past thousand years at least in europe. But it’s the same reason that the egyptians cast (((them))) out. So it’s got to be older than the past thousand years. So no. My experience is with closing their businesses, seizing their assets, putting them in prison – not reading what people said about them. I got out of it because it was too depressing. But I could have made an amazing career from it if I had the stomach for it. Deception and baiting into hazard are heroic for that part of the world in general. Cheating is a heroic win for (((them))). As is undermining every host people’s group harmony by fomenting conflict. Avoiding engaging in production is an ethic. And specializing in rent seeking is an industry. Yet, all of the above is crime for europeans. So, (((their))) history is selective. We are conscious of our history – including our history of conquest and genocide. We just choose not to do it any longer. The question is, why are (((they))) unconscious of their history, and why don’t (((they))) stop doing it, and why don’t (((they))) stop others from doing it? Because it’s a group advantage. Why? Crimes against the commons it turns out are more rewarding than crimes against private property. Because crimes against the commons can be passed off as voluntary – even though they were created by construction (baiting into hazard.) Don’t abandon your tradition and history. But learn what’s evil in it and change. A diasporic civilization with a highly competent majority that specializes in organized crime to privatize the commons.
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I Gained My Knowledge by Investigating and Prosecuting Them for White Collar Crimes
Apr 1, 2020, 6:12 PM Actually I know about (((them))) from prosecuting them for RICO, racketeering, churning, mortgage scams, wire fraud, bribery of court officials, data theft, tax evasion, lovely crimes like buying a ravine next to a child care, for next to nothing, and then trying to get a permit to build a halfway house next to it for sex offenders, and trying to force them to buy it at a ridiculous price out of self defense. It taught me both the law, and how it was being abused. I don’t care what wisdom literature says I care what results from Pilpul, Critique, and diasporic ethics. Now, my solution is to fix our laws so that ‘good people stay’ and ‘bad people leave’, but it’s not like I’m led by someone else’s opinion, or ‘the church’s gossip’. It’s because despite growing up with no experience in such things, I was able to identify a pattern of (((group))) behavior and how it’s endemic in the subculture and how it’s argued in (((their))) law and tradition. And research throughout history demonstrates that it’s been persistent for most of the past thousand years at least in europe. But it’s the same reason that the egyptians cast (((them))) out. So it’s got to be older than the past thousand years. So no. My experience is with closing their businesses, seizing their assets, putting them in prison – not reading what people said about them. I got out of it because it was too depressing. But I could have made an amazing career from it if I had the stomach for it. Deception and baiting into hazard are heroic for that part of the world in general. Cheating is a heroic win for (((them))). As is undermining every host people’s group harmony by fomenting conflict. Avoiding engaging in production is an ethic. And specializing in rent seeking is an industry. Yet, all of the above is crime for europeans. So, (((their))) history is selective. We are conscious of our history – including our history of conquest and genocide. We just choose not to do it any longer. The question is, why are (((they))) unconscious of their history, and why don’t (((they))) stop doing it, and why don’t (((they))) stop others from doing it? Because it’s a group advantage. Why? Crimes against the commons it turns out are more rewarding than crimes against private property. Because crimes against the commons can be passed off as voluntary – even though they were created by construction (baiting into hazard.) Don’t abandon your tradition and history. But learn what’s evil in it and change. A diasporic civilization with a highly competent majority that specializes in organized crime to privatize the commons.
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Racketeering of The Commons?
P-Law Extends Class Actions from Private Harms to The Commons.
Apr 3, 2020, 10:01 AM
“P-Law extends class actions from private harms to the commons.Only under P-Law is collective action possible against harm to the commons – thereby preventing corruption in the state.”
Who Practices Racketeering of The Commons?
“RICO law refers to the prosecution and defense of individuals who engage in organized crime. In 1970, Congress passed the Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations (RICO) Act in an effort to combat Mafia groups.”
Class Actions were the Norm in English HistoryEngland The antecedent of the class action was what modern observers call “group litigation”, which appears to have been quite common in medieval England from about 1200 onward.[2]:38 These lawsuits involved groups of people either suing or being sued in actions at common law. These groups were usually based on existing societal structures like villages, towns, parishes, and guilds. Unlike modern courts, the medieval English courts did not question the right of the actual plaintiffs to sue on behalf of a group or a few representatives to defend an entire group.[2]:38–40 From 1400 to 1700, group litigation gradually switched from being the norm in England to the exception. The development of the concept of the corporation led to the wealthy supporters of the corporate form becoming suspicious of all unincorporated legal entities, which in turn led to the modern concept of the unincorporated or voluntary association. The tumultuous history of the Wars of the Roses and then the Star Chamber resulted in periods during which the common law courts were frequently paralyzed, and out of the confusion the Court of Chancery emerged with exclusive jurisdiction over group litigation. By 1850, Parliament had enacted several statutes on a case-by-case basis to deal with issues regularly faced by certain types of organizations, like joint-stock companies, and with the impetus for most types of group litigation removed, it went into a steep decline in English jurisprudence from which it never recovered. It was further weakened by the fact that equity pleading in general was falling into disfavor, which culminated in the Judicature Acts of 1874 and 1875. Group litigation was essentially dead in England after 1850. United States Class actions survived in the United States thanks to the influence of Supreme Court Associate Justice Joseph Story, who imported it into U.S. law through summary discussions in his two equity treatises as well as his opinion in West v. Randall (1820). However, Story did not necessarily endorse class actions, because he “could not conceive of a modern function or a coherent theory for representative litigation”. The oldest predecessor to the class-action rule in the United States was in the Federal Equity Rules, specifically Equity Rule 48, promulgated in 1842. Where the parties on either side are very numerous, and cannot, without manifest inconvenience and oppressive delays in the suit, be all brought before it, the court in its discretion may dispense with making all of them parties, and may proceed in the suit, having sufficient parties before it to represent all the adverse interests of the plaintiffs and the defendants in the suit properly before it. But in such cases, the decree shall be without prejudice to the rights and claims of all the absent parties. This allowed for representative suits in situations where there were too many individual parties (which now forms the first requirement for class-action litigation – numerosity). However, this rule did not allow such suits to bind similarly situated absent parties, which rendered the rule ineffective. Within ten years, the Supreme Court interpreted Rule 48 in such a way so that it could apply to absent parties under certain circumstances, but only by ignoring the plain meaning of the rule. In the rules published in 1912, Equity Rule 48 was replaced with Equity Rule 38 as part of a major restructuring of the Equity Rules, and when federal courts merged their legal and equitable procedural systems in 1938, Equity Rule 38 became Rule 23 of the Federal Rules of Civil Procedure. Modern developments A major revision of the Federal Rules of Civil Procedure in 1966 radically transformed Rule 23, made the opt-out class action the standard option, and gave birth to the modern class action. Entire treatises have been written since to summarize the huge mass of law that sprang up from the 1966 revision of Rule 23. Just as medieval group litigation bound all members of the group regardless of whether they all actually appeared in court, the modern class action binds all members of the class, except for those who choose to opt out (if the rules permit them to do so).Advantages Proponents of class actions state that they offer a number of advantages[11] because they aggregate many individualized claims into one representational lawsuit. First, aggregation can increase the efficiency of the legal process, and lower the costs of litigation.[12] In cases with common questions of law and fact, aggregation of claims into a class action may avoid the necessity of repeating “days of the same witnesses, exhibits and issues from trial to trial”. Jenkins v. Raymark Indus. Inc., 782 F.2d 468, 473 (5th Cir. 1986) (granting certification of a class action involving asbestos). Second, a class action may overcome “the problem that small recoveries do not provide the incentive for any individual to bring a solo action prosecuting his or her rights”. Amchem Prods., Inc. v. Windsor, 521 U.S. 591, 617 (1997) (quoting Mace v. Van Ru Credit Corp., 109 F.3d 388, 344 (7th Cir. 1997)). “A class action solves this problem by aggregating the relatively paltry potential recoveries into something worth someone’s (usually an attorney’s) labor.” Amchem Prods., Inc., 521 U.S. at 617 (quoting Mace, 109 F.3d at 344). In other words, a class action ensures that a defendant who engages in widespread harm – but does so minimally against each individual plaintiff – must compensate those individuals for their injuries. For example, thousands of shareholders of a public company may have losses too small to justify separate lawsuits, but a class action can be brought efficiently on behalf of all shareholders. Perhaps even more important than compensation is that class treatment of claims may be the only way to impose the costs of wrongdoing on the wrongdoer, thus deterring future wrongdoing. Third, class-action cases may be brought to purposely change behavior of a class of which the defendant is a member. Landeros v. Flood (1976) was a landmark case decided by the California Supreme Court that aimed at purposefully changing the behavior of doctors, encouraging them to report suspected child abuse. Otherwise, they would face the threat of civil action for damages in tort proximately flowing from the failure to report the suspected injuries. Previously, many physicians had remained reluctant to report cases of apparent child abuse, despite existing law that required it. Fourth, in “limited fund” cases, a class action ensures that all plaintiffs receive relief and that early-filing plaintiffs do not raid the fund (i.e., the defendant) of all its assets before other plaintiffs may be compensated. See Ortiz v. Fibreboard Corp., 527 U.S. 815 (1999). A class action in such a situation centralizes all claims into one venue where a court can equitably divide the assets amongst all the plaintiffs if they win the case. Finally, a class action avoids the situation where different court rulings could create “incompatible standards” of conduct for the defendant to follow. See Fed. R. Civ. P. 23(b)(1)(A). For example, a court might certify a case for class treatment where a number of individual bond-holders sue to determine whether they may convert their bonds to common stock. Refusing to litigate the case in one trial could result in different outcomes and inconsistent standards of conduct for the defendant corporation. Thus, courts will generally allow a class action in such a situation. See, e.g., Van Gemert v. Boeing Co., 259 F. Supp. 125 (S.D.N.Y. 1966). Whether a class action is superior to individual litigation depends on the case and is determined by the judge’s ruling on a motion for class certification. The Advisory Committee Note to Rule 23, for example, states that mass torts are ordinarily “not appropriate” for class treatment. Class treatment may not improve the efficiency of a mass tort because the claims frequently involve individualized issues of law and fact that will have to be re-tried on an individual basis. See Castano v. Am. Tobacco Co., 84 F.3d 734 (5th Cir. 1996) (rejecting nationwide class action against tobacco companies). Mass torts also involve high individual damage awards; thus, the absence of class treatment will not impede the ability of individual claimants to seek justice. Other cases, however, may be more conducive to class treatment.[citation needed] The preamble to the Class Action Fairness Act of 2005, passed by the United States Congress, found:
Class-action lawsuits are an important and valuable part of the legal system when they permit the fair and efficient resolution of legitimate claims of numerous parties by allowing the claims to be aggregated into a single action against a defendant that has allegedly caused harm.
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Racketeering of The Commons?
P-Law Extends Class Actions from Private Harms to The Commons.
Apr 3, 2020, 10:01 AM
“P-Law extends class actions from private harms to the commons.Only under P-Law is collective action possible against harm to the commons – thereby preventing corruption in the state.”
Who Practices Racketeering of The Commons?
“RICO law refers to the prosecution and defense of individuals who engage in organized crime. In 1970, Congress passed the Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations (RICO) Act in an effort to combat Mafia groups.”
Class Actions were the Norm in English HistoryEngland The antecedent of the class action was what modern observers call “group litigation”, which appears to have been quite common in medieval England from about 1200 onward.[2]:38 These lawsuits involved groups of people either suing or being sued in actions at common law. These groups were usually based on existing societal structures like villages, towns, parishes, and guilds. Unlike modern courts, the medieval English courts did not question the right of the actual plaintiffs to sue on behalf of a group or a few representatives to defend an entire group.[2]:38–40 From 1400 to 1700, group litigation gradually switched from being the norm in England to the exception. The development of the concept of the corporation led to the wealthy supporters of the corporate form becoming suspicious of all unincorporated legal entities, which in turn led to the modern concept of the unincorporated or voluntary association. The tumultuous history of the Wars of the Roses and then the Star Chamber resulted in periods during which the common law courts were frequently paralyzed, and out of the confusion the Court of Chancery emerged with exclusive jurisdiction over group litigation. By 1850, Parliament had enacted several statutes on a case-by-case basis to deal with issues regularly faced by certain types of organizations, like joint-stock companies, and with the impetus for most types of group litigation removed, it went into a steep decline in English jurisprudence from which it never recovered. It was further weakened by the fact that equity pleading in general was falling into disfavor, which culminated in the Judicature Acts of 1874 and 1875. Group litigation was essentially dead in England after 1850. United States Class actions survived in the United States thanks to the influence of Supreme Court Associate Justice Joseph Story, who imported it into U.S. law through summary discussions in his two equity treatises as well as his opinion in West v. Randall (1820). However, Story did not necessarily endorse class actions, because he “could not conceive of a modern function or a coherent theory for representative litigation”. The oldest predecessor to the class-action rule in the United States was in the Federal Equity Rules, specifically Equity Rule 48, promulgated in 1842. Where the parties on either side are very numerous, and cannot, without manifest inconvenience and oppressive delays in the suit, be all brought before it, the court in its discretion may dispense with making all of them parties, and may proceed in the suit, having sufficient parties before it to represent all the adverse interests of the plaintiffs and the defendants in the suit properly before it. But in such cases, the decree shall be without prejudice to the rights and claims of all the absent parties. This allowed for representative suits in situations where there were too many individual parties (which now forms the first requirement for class-action litigation – numerosity). However, this rule did not allow such suits to bind similarly situated absent parties, which rendered the rule ineffective. Within ten years, the Supreme Court interpreted Rule 48 in such a way so that it could apply to absent parties under certain circumstances, but only by ignoring the plain meaning of the rule. In the rules published in 1912, Equity Rule 48 was replaced with Equity Rule 38 as part of a major restructuring of the Equity Rules, and when federal courts merged their legal and equitable procedural systems in 1938, Equity Rule 38 became Rule 23 of the Federal Rules of Civil Procedure. Modern developments A major revision of the Federal Rules of Civil Procedure in 1966 radically transformed Rule 23, made the opt-out class action the standard option, and gave birth to the modern class action. Entire treatises have been written since to summarize the huge mass of law that sprang up from the 1966 revision of Rule 23. Just as medieval group litigation bound all members of the group regardless of whether they all actually appeared in court, the modern class action binds all members of the class, except for those who choose to opt out (if the rules permit them to do so).Advantages Proponents of class actions state that they offer a number of advantages[11] because they aggregate many individualized claims into one representational lawsuit. First, aggregation can increase the efficiency of the legal process, and lower the costs of litigation.[12] In cases with common questions of law and fact, aggregation of claims into a class action may avoid the necessity of repeating “days of the same witnesses, exhibits and issues from trial to trial”. Jenkins v. Raymark Indus. Inc., 782 F.2d 468, 473 (5th Cir. 1986) (granting certification of a class action involving asbestos). Second, a class action may overcome “the problem that small recoveries do not provide the incentive for any individual to bring a solo action prosecuting his or her rights”. Amchem Prods., Inc. v. Windsor, 521 U.S. 591, 617 (1997) (quoting Mace v. Van Ru Credit Corp., 109 F.3d 388, 344 (7th Cir. 1997)). “A class action solves this problem by aggregating the relatively paltry potential recoveries into something worth someone’s (usually an attorney’s) labor.” Amchem Prods., Inc., 521 U.S. at 617 (quoting Mace, 109 F.3d at 344). In other words, a class action ensures that a defendant who engages in widespread harm – but does so minimally against each individual plaintiff – must compensate those individuals for their injuries. For example, thousands of shareholders of a public company may have losses too small to justify separate lawsuits, but a class action can be brought efficiently on behalf of all shareholders. Perhaps even more important than compensation is that class treatment of claims may be the only way to impose the costs of wrongdoing on the wrongdoer, thus deterring future wrongdoing. Third, class-action cases may be brought to purposely change behavior of a class of which the defendant is a member. Landeros v. Flood (1976) was a landmark case decided by the California Supreme Court that aimed at purposefully changing the behavior of doctors, encouraging them to report suspected child abuse. Otherwise, they would face the threat of civil action for damages in tort proximately flowing from the failure to report the suspected injuries. Previously, many physicians had remained reluctant to report cases of apparent child abuse, despite existing law that required it. Fourth, in “limited fund” cases, a class action ensures that all plaintiffs receive relief and that early-filing plaintiffs do not raid the fund (i.e., the defendant) of all its assets before other plaintiffs may be compensated. See Ortiz v. Fibreboard Corp., 527 U.S. 815 (1999). A class action in such a situation centralizes all claims into one venue where a court can equitably divide the assets amongst all the plaintiffs if they win the case. Finally, a class action avoids the situation where different court rulings could create “incompatible standards” of conduct for the defendant to follow. See Fed. R. Civ. P. 23(b)(1)(A). For example, a court might certify a case for class treatment where a number of individual bond-holders sue to determine whether they may convert their bonds to common stock. Refusing to litigate the case in one trial could result in different outcomes and inconsistent standards of conduct for the defendant corporation. Thus, courts will generally allow a class action in such a situation. See, e.g., Van Gemert v. Boeing Co., 259 F. Supp. 125 (S.D.N.Y. 1966). Whether a class action is superior to individual litigation depends on the case and is determined by the judge’s ruling on a motion for class certification. The Advisory Committee Note to Rule 23, for example, states that mass torts are ordinarily “not appropriate” for class treatment. Class treatment may not improve the efficiency of a mass tort because the claims frequently involve individualized issues of law and fact that will have to be re-tried on an individual basis. See Castano v. Am. Tobacco Co., 84 F.3d 734 (5th Cir. 1996) (rejecting nationwide class action against tobacco companies). Mass torts also involve high individual damage awards; thus, the absence of class treatment will not impede the ability of individual claimants to seek justice. Other cases, however, may be more conducive to class treatment.[citation needed] The preamble to the Class Action Fairness Act of 2005, passed by the United States Congress, found:
Class-action lawsuits are an important and valuable part of the legal system when they permit the fair and efficient resolution of legitimate claims of numerous parties by allowing the claims to be aggregated into a single action against a defendant that has allegedly caused harm.
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Military as Source of Our Strategy vs Being Undermined to Destroy Our Strategy
May 5, 2020, 11:01 AM by Alex Hill 1.) 4GW makes support personnel primary targets. In fact, that’s the entire basis of it. Militias need to have as much self sufficiency and as little logistical needs as possible. The regular military is bogged down as soon as insurgents lay IEDs aimed at logistics convoys. 2.) a militia is not regular military. We can’t afford dedicated specialization in the same fashion as the regular military’s MOS system. Everyone has to be generally skilled much in the same was a Green Beret ODA team works with specific team roles. This also echoes the urban specialized labor versus the rural generalized labor divide. 3.) there is a direct correlation between the rise of feminism and the rise of women in the military, and the military has repeatedly been used as a social experiment because of its top-down nature. Then they’ll want to be able to exercise political suffrage because of service, which then jeopardizes the polity with the politics of Feels. That would be repeating the same mistakes we’ve made and I won’t have any of it.