Category: Politics, Power, and Governance

  • ARGUMENTS AGAINST SOMETHING AREN’T ALL THAT USEFUL UNLESS YOU ALSO HAVE ARGUMENT

    ARGUMENTS AGAINST SOMETHING AREN’T ALL THAT USEFUL UNLESS YOU ALSO HAVE ARGUMENTS FOR SOMETHING ELSE.

    This is libertarianism’s problem. A failure to provide a solution to the problem of institutions both formal and informal.

    Without formal institutions you have a religion. Not a replacement for the state.

    Institutions create norms.

    Property is a norm.

    Property was created by the application of violence.

    Propertarianism gives us the tools with which to create formal institutions in heterogeneous populations.

    Propertarianism completes libertarianism.


    Source date (UTC): 2013-01-12 17:12:00 UTC

  • Illustrating The Meaning Of Liberty From A False Dichotomy πŸ™‚

    A Facebook friend asked this question.

    “What is your definition of liberty? Penniless in a free world, or wealthy in a corrupt one. Those are the choices that I give you. Without deviating from those two choices, what is your response?

    I dont understand the question yet….

    First reply to your definition on liberty. Then reply to my questions within that context.

    [H]mmmm….. Ok. Lets define liberty: LIBERTY:a) Sentimentally: liberty is the desire to conduct individual experimental action from which we gain stimulation, knowledge, understanding, or temporal or material gain. b) Historically: it is an allegory to the sentiments of sovereignty in aristocratic egalitarianism. c) Politically: Liberty is the ability to use your property, defined as your body, and your possessions obtained by free exchange and homesteading, as you see fit, as long as you force no involuntary transfers from others by doing so. d) Praxeologically: a set of property definitions which are monopolistically bounded, absent new invention, as norms. THEREFORE [W]ithin the context of that definition of liberty, I can’t address the next dichotomy. SO I will try to deduce the cause of that dichotomy from the two statements and see if I can come up with an answer. ANSWERING THE QUESTION [Y]our question might mean “would you prefer to be penniless in a free world or wealthy in a corrupt one”. The phrasing could also mean “you can only be penniless in a free world and wealthy in a corrupt one”. Which I think is illogical, so I’ll have to assume that’s not correct. Or it could mean that “is it just that there are penniless men in the free world and wealthy men in the corrupt world?” I am going to assume that you mean the first, but might also be suggesting the third. I’ll answer them in that order. I would rather be the wealthy person in the corrupt world of course. However, if I am a penniless man, I would prefer to be in the free world, where it is possible to change my state. To answer the third question, the world is not just because justice requires the possession of knowledge within a limited domain that is available to individuals. ie: the family or tribe, and the family or tribal economy. However, for a division of labor to form, we must possess the knowledge that only money and prices can provide us with. And since none of that knowledge is ‘owned’ and much of it is noise, and the value to the market of scotch tape is much higher than the value of another Beethoven, then whomever ends up wealthy is a matter of the lottery effect and not much else. It’s random. Therefore there is no such thing as output-justice. We have a market precisely because it is created by a lottery effect. if the outcome were known , no one would play in the market. The market is a lottery. It is not just. The only justice is that as a byproduct of that market, goods and services are subject to constant decline in prices and increases in choices. SO the market economy is not a question of individual justice, but of aggregate justice with huge temporal variation among the individuals in the distribution we call the population. And any question of social justice is illogical – at least until you get to my next point: The Propertarian answer to the third question is that if you respect property rights, whatever those rights might be, you have paid for those rights, for yourself, and for others, by forgoing opportunities for involuntary transfer, fraud, theft and violence. As such you are a shareholder in that market. Some might argue that respect for property is just the cost of access to the market. But the cost to the poor of those property rights is far higher than the cost to the wealthy, and as such, those rights are unequaly paid for. So, others, including myself, argue that shareholders not only have the right of access to the market, but we also have the right to whatever distributions (profits) that the market wherein those property rights are defined, produces, in compensation for that variance in costs, and unless we compensate for those variations in costs, then those with property are conducting an involuntary transfer from those who pay a very high price for respecting property. (ie: we have the right of variable redistribution if we adhere to property rights.) (Of course this would also requrie that you did not vote for privileges and redistributions.) This is undeniable praxeological reasoning. There is no alternative to it. Redistribution is warranted. And therefore you will never be a penniless man, even if you are a poor one, unless you have very poor judgement. Propertarianism is based upon the universal human demonstrated preference for a prohibition on involuntary transfer. It is not, like libertarianism, based upon preference, natural law, or any other artificial construct.

  • THE PURPOSE OF GUNS IS TO OPPOSE THE GOVERNMENT Hunting and Personal Protection?

    THE PURPOSE OF GUNS IS TO OPPOSE THE GOVERNMENT

    Hunting and Personal Protection? Misdirection.

    “Someone at the office asked me, yesterday, what type of β€œarms” I thought the Second Amendment protects. The answer to that is those arms of the same caliber and quantity as the armed federal officers who come to your door have.” — David Sack, via Lew Rockwell


    Source date (UTC): 2013-01-10 07:48:00 UTC

  • MY FIRST EXPERIENCE WITH UKRAINIAN POLICE CORRUPTION. In the states, police depa

    MY FIRST EXPERIENCE WITH UKRAINIAN POLICE CORRUPTION.

    In the states, police departments raise money with irrelevant speed traps, stoplight cameras and buckle-up campaigns and other administrative forms of extortion.

    It’s corruption sure. It’s just procedural corruption. It’s systemic but impersonal.

    Here in Kiev. On the way home from the restaurant. Our taxi is pulled over by a lone policeman who flagged us down with a flashlight. He claimed the street was restricted at this time – although there were no signs, it’s a main street lined with cars, and other cars were on the road with us.

    Apparently it’s 20 bucks to get out of a fabricated infraction. The policeman pocketed the money and we drove off.

    I told my admittedly educated Ukrainian friends that this sort of direct corruption might not be better than the more advanced indirect corruption that’s so pervasive in the states.

    They responded that no, the visible corruption makes people distrust the government.

    And I agreed. It makes people hold an accurate view of government.

    Ticketing moms in minivans for going three miles over the speed limit on four lane roads in clear weather on one hand. And allowing nine arrests before a car thief does jail time, letting meth heads free reign to commit petty crimes in our rural areas because its difficult and expensive to lock them up, allowing massive illegal immigration as a matter of political utility in seizing power through immigration that cannot be obtained through argument and reason, jailing right wing movie makers while heralding left wingers.

    Ukraine has a problem that’s fixable with articulated property rights, imported western judges, pay increases for policemen and an independent internal affairs organization to

    Investigate and monitor corruption. And the right of citizens to sue anyone in the government for corruption or damage from incompetence.

    You can’t fix the USA without breaking it up and starting over.


    Source date (UTC): 2013-01-09 16:14:00 UTC

  • CONSERVATISM AND PLANNING Conservatism consists primarily of an increased sensit

    CONSERVATISM AND PLANNING

    Conservatism consists primarily of an increased sensitivity to threats both short and long term, and a reliance on hierarchy and order as a means for ensuring the persistence of the group and the self. However, what we fail to understand, is that an increased sensitivity to threats, results in a more complex inter-temporal planning structure, and that order simplifies the act of planning for the mitigation of threats. Like all cognitive biases there is a reason for their existence.


    Source date (UTC): 2013-01-02 11:52:00 UTC

  • MAJORITY RULE IS AN ARTIFACT OF PRODUCTIVE SCARCITY The only reason to have majo

    MAJORITY RULE IS AN ARTIFACT OF PRODUCTIVE SCARCITY

    The only reason to have majority rule is because there is so little excess productive capacity. If we have such high productive capacity, why does a majority need to agree upon the use of it?

    A government of exchanges rather than takings: Propertarianism.

    ( Think about that one a bit. πŸ™‚


    Source date (UTC): 2013-01-02 07:45:00 UTC

  • GUNS ARE SACRED? We can observe from the polling data, that guns have clearly at

    GUNS ARE SACRED?

    We can observe from the polling data, that guns have clearly attained status of sacred in a majority of the population.

    Data may describe relative differences in the violence of cultures. But it also describes the increase in violence that occurs when guns are confiscated or outlawed.

    Guns have become sacred. The purpose of weapons is to overthrow a government.


    Source date (UTC): 2012-12-29 07:54:00 UTC

  • JOURNALISTS ARE PRIVATEERS : STATE SPONSORED THIEVES AND TERRORISTS Free speech

    JOURNALISTS ARE PRIVATEERS : STATE SPONSORED THIEVES AND TERRORISTS

    Free speech is device by which we expressly grant each other the freedom to research, publicize and profit from the publicity of, those who would use the violence of state monopoly, or privilege granted by the state monopoly, for the purpose of conducting involuntary transfers from one group to another.

    In this sense, journalism has a function. That is, journalism is the right of essay on involuntary transfers. It is, in effect a form of policing.

    Journalism would fulfill it’s function if we restored libel and slander laws, and we restored privacy and free passage laws so that paparazzi weren’t state sponsored terrorists. Your reputation is your property. Libel and slander laws are simply codifications of your property rights, like any other property right is codified.

    We wrongly grant the police, politicians, bureaucrats, regulators, the judiciary, and even journalists, insulation from suit by private individuals, and groups of individuals. This is what costs us our freedom. If instead we required everyone to respect property rights, then we would have the right of suit against those who libel or slander us, or others.

    The truth is the truth. But hypothesis and drama are not truth, they are profitable utility that is merely theft by involuntary transfer from victim to journalist. As such, journalists are state sponsored thieves and little more, whenever they report on anything other than the involuntary transfer of property, or a political plan to promote and legislate the involuntary transfer of property.


    Source date (UTC): 2012-12-28 10:11:00 UTC

  • ANARCHIC ACTIVISM AT ITS FINEST

    ANARCHIC ACTIVISM AT ITS FINEST


    Source date (UTC): 2012-12-25 12:01:00 UTC

  • God save the Queen

    God save the Queen.


    Source date (UTC): 2012-12-25 12:00:00 UTC