—-spook gossip is that Russia is using the Syrian conflict to add troops and weapons into Ukraine, and that an initiative is building—-
Source date (UTC): 2015-12-15 01:55:00 UTC
—-spook gossip is that Russia is using the Syrian conflict to add troops and weapons into Ukraine, and that an initiative is building—-
Source date (UTC): 2015-12-15 01:55:00 UTC
—“The thing I hate about cops is it really grates having to bend the knee to those who are, by most measures, my inferiors.”—- Eli Harman
[Y]eah. I’ve actually taken to using “Who do you think you’re talking to soldier?” in a demanding paternal voice to anyone in uniform. Strange how well it works. And in public I’m testing “I am a gentleman, and you will treat me as such.” This leaves the implied ‘or else’. And in groups “I am aristocracy. And I will tolerate this behavior.” Always good to let the little people know who is in charge. Works much better when you’re over 50. But I didn’t realize how often I was doing it when I was younger. Authority is an air. It is not cultivated so much as constructed. Not contrived so much as instinct. Not learned so much as practiced. The world needs us. When we abandon our paternalism we leave the lesser people to the victimization of the lower life forms. **Every man a noble, every man a judge, every man a sheriff, every man a warrior, every man a craftsman.** ***It is through individual intolerance for barbarism that we build our great civilization.*** One of my first oaths is: “Aristocracy May Not Be Bound”.
–I agree to the one law, the moral law of property. I do not agree to any other. And any man who binds me shall die by my hand or the hand of my brothers. And I swear to all my brothers that any man who binds my brother shall die by my hand or the hand of my brothers.—
This is an modern version of the initiatic brotherhood of soldiers – which appears to be older than our memories, but no less than 3500 years old.
—“The thing I hate about cops is it really grates having to bend the knee to those who are, by most measures, my inferiors.”—- Eli Harman
[Y]eah. I’ve actually taken to using “Who do you think you’re talking to soldier?” in a demanding paternal voice to anyone in uniform. Strange how well it works. And in public I’m testing “I am a gentleman, and you will treat me as such.” This leaves the implied ‘or else’. And in groups “I am aristocracy. And I will tolerate this behavior.” Always good to let the little people know who is in charge. Works much better when you’re over 50. But I didn’t realize how often I was doing it when I was younger. Authority is an air. It is not cultivated so much as constructed. Not contrived so much as instinct. Not learned so much as practiced. The world needs us. When we abandon our paternalism we leave the lesser people to the victimization of the lower life forms. **Every man a noble, every man a judge, every man a sheriff, every man a warrior, every man a craftsman.** ***It is through individual intolerance for barbarism that we build our great civilization.*** One of my first oaths is: “Aristocracy May Not Be Bound”.
–I agree to the one law, the moral law of property. I do not agree to any other. And any man who binds me shall die by my hand or the hand of my brothers. And I swear to all my brothers that any man who binds my brother shall die by my hand or the hand of my brothers.—
This is an modern version of the initiatic brotherhood of soldiers – which appears to be older than our memories, but no less than 3500 years old.
—“Kerry reminds agreement crafted to avoid Congress…”—
Now, (a) why is any circumvention of the division of powers tolerable?
And, (b) why doesn’t doing such a thing end one in prison, including every individual involved in crafting it?
WE NEED SOME BURNING CROSSES
Source date (UTC): 2015-12-14 08:43:00 UTC
NEVER BEND THE KNEE INVOLUNTARILY – EVER.
—“The thing I hate about cops is it really grates having to bend the knee to those who are, by most measures, my inferiors.”—- Eli Harman
Yeah. I’ve actually taken to using “Who do you think you’re talking to soldier?” in a demanding paternal voice to anyone in uniform. Strange how well it works. And in public I’m testing “I am a gentleman, and you will treat me as such.” This leaves the implied ‘or else’. And in groups “I am aristocracy. And I will tolerate this behavior.”
Always good to let the little people know who is in charge.
Works much better when you’re over 50. But I didn’t realize how often I was doing it when I was younger.
Authority is an air. It is not cultivated so much as constructed. Not contrived so much as instinct. Not learned so much as practiced.
The world needs us. When we abandon our paternalism we leave the lesser people to the victimization of the lower life forms.
**Every man a noble, every man a judge, every man a sheriff, every man a warrior, every man a craftsman.**
***It is through individual intolerance for barbarism that we build our great civilization.***
One of my first oaths is:
“Aristocracy May Not Be Bound”. –I agree to the one law, the moral law of property. I do not agree to any other. And any man who binds me shall die by my hand or the hand of my brothers. And I swear to all my brothers that any man who binds my brother shall die by my hand or the hand of my brothers.—
This is an modern version of the initiatic brotherhood of soldiers – which appears to be older than our memories, but no less than 3500 years old.
Source date (UTC): 2015-12-14 02:46:00 UTC
( I didn’t realize that evangelicals considered ‘piety’ a dirty word. They offer humility – sovereignty of all, not piety – submission. )
Source date (UTC): 2015-12-14 02:31:00 UTC
“IF YOUR PEOPLE COME TO THE WEST TO BE UNDER OUR RULE, THEN YOU ARE BY DEFINITION INCAPABLE OF RULE”
There is no difference between launching weapons at us and launching people at us, and launching religion at us, and launching propaganda at us, and launching lies at us. It is all weaponization, merely at different rates of conquest.
“IF YOU CANNOT RULE, WE WILL RULE YOU. YOU MAY GOVERN AS YOU WISH BUT WE WILL RULE.”
Source date (UTC): 2015-12-12 08:05:00 UTC
Original Article by Curt Doolittle: http://www.propertarianism.com/2015/04/23/the-only-means-of-eliminating-the-state-and-constructing-liberty/Translation by Alberto R. Zambrano U. [L]a única forma de eliminar al estado, es eliminar la existencia de demanda para que éste exista. Para eliminar al estado, debemos primero construir instituciones que provean los servicios estatales sin el aprovechamiento injusto endémico e inherente a la función estatal. El estado provee sólo estos servicios:
Los únicas formas de proveer estos servicios sin la existencia del estado, es construir instituciones que no requieran de la figura estatal.
Un estado burocrático entonces, es evidencia del fracaso de construir instituciones necesarias para la provisión de servicios que permitan a grupos competir contra otros.- [F]ukuyama no ha identificado la alternativa a la socialdemocracia ni ha identificado la naturaleza transitoria del monopolio institucional como entidades necesarias para la construcciones de bienes previos al desarrollo de un mercado competitivo para la provisión de esos bienes. El fracasó en dar con la diferencia entre investigación y desarrollo de costosas instituciones de bienes., y la conversión de esas instituciones monopolistas en instituciones no-monopolistas que excluyen a las otras instituciones con las que tengan conflictos, toda vez que dichas instituciones compitan en la provisión efectiva de servicios. El fin la historia es bastante distinto a lo que Fukuyama imaginó y lo que la academia (como una forma de iglesia con fines de lucro) evoca y desea. Hay una alternativa a los gobiernos monopolistas, si no una alternativa al monopolio de los derechos de propiedad articulada como “propiedad en todo”. Fukuyama es un producto de la academia y la historia a pesar de sus intereses intelectuales honestos- porque Fukuyama no es un producto de la economía y la ley: economía política, él es perdonable así como lo son también los estudiantes de la historia, de mirar hacia atrás, contemplando otros patrones distintos sin el entendimiento de las propiedades causales de la cooperación humana y la necesidad de cada vez mayores y más complejos métodos de cálculo. [C]omo defensores de la libertad, es nuestra función, nuestra misión el proveer soluciones superiores al problema de la cooperación a una escala que podamos llamar “gubernamental”, por la invención, defensa, demanda, y rebelión en búsqueda de instituciones formales que prohiban la tiranía y preserven nuestra tasa occidental de innovación, al prohibir todo parasitismo (aprovechamiento injusto) en cualquier momento.
La única defensa es el requerimiento de producción, el derecho consuetudinario, el jurado, la verdad, la universalidad, la responsabilidad universal, y los mercados competitivos. Esto produce la menor cantidad de oportunidades para aprovechamiento injusto y la privatización de todas la fuerzas en un mercado de producción de bienes y servicios necesarios para poder sobrevivir y reproducirnos. El aseguramiento contra el error y el fracaso y el límite de tener un niño a aquellos incapaces de reproducirse solventa el problema de la caridad sin el problema de la eugenesia inmoral. Curt Doolittle Kiev, Ucrania Instituto Propietarista
Original Article by Curt Doolittle: http://www.propertarianism.com/2015/04/23/the-only-means-of-eliminating-the-state-and-constructing-liberty/Translation by Alberto R. Zambrano U. [L]a única forma de eliminar al estado, es eliminar la existencia de demanda para que éste exista. Para eliminar al estado, debemos primero construir instituciones que provean los servicios estatales sin el aprovechamiento injusto endémico e inherente a la función estatal. El estado provee sólo estos servicios:
Los únicas formas de proveer estos servicios sin la existencia del estado, es construir instituciones que no requieran de la figura estatal.
Un estado burocrático entonces, es evidencia del fracaso de construir instituciones necesarias para la provisión de servicios que permitan a grupos competir contra otros.- [F]ukuyama no ha identificado la alternativa a la socialdemocracia ni ha identificado la naturaleza transitoria del monopolio institucional como entidades necesarias para la construcciones de bienes previos al desarrollo de un mercado competitivo para la provisión de esos bienes. El fracasó en dar con la diferencia entre investigación y desarrollo de costosas instituciones de bienes., y la conversión de esas instituciones monopolistas en instituciones no-monopolistas que excluyen a las otras instituciones con las que tengan conflictos, toda vez que dichas instituciones compitan en la provisión efectiva de servicios. El fin la historia es bastante distinto a lo que Fukuyama imaginó y lo que la academia (como una forma de iglesia con fines de lucro) evoca y desea. Hay una alternativa a los gobiernos monopolistas, si no una alternativa al monopolio de los derechos de propiedad articulada como “propiedad en todo”. Fukuyama es un producto de la academia y la historia a pesar de sus intereses intelectuales honestos- porque Fukuyama no es un producto de la economía y la ley: economía política, él es perdonable así como lo son también los estudiantes de la historia, de mirar hacia atrás, contemplando otros patrones distintos sin el entendimiento de las propiedades causales de la cooperación humana y la necesidad de cada vez mayores y más complejos métodos de cálculo. [C]omo defensores de la libertad, es nuestra función, nuestra misión el proveer soluciones superiores al problema de la cooperación a una escala que podamos llamar “gubernamental”, por la invención, defensa, demanda, y rebelión en búsqueda de instituciones formales que prohiban la tiranía y preserven nuestra tasa occidental de innovación, al prohibir todo parasitismo (aprovechamiento injusto) en cualquier momento.
La única defensa es el requerimiento de producción, el derecho consuetudinario, el jurado, la verdad, la universalidad, la responsabilidad universal, y los mercados competitivos. Esto produce la menor cantidad de oportunidades para aprovechamiento injusto y la privatización de todas la fuerzas en un mercado de producción de bienes y servicios necesarios para poder sobrevivir y reproducirnos. El aseguramiento contra el error y el fracaso y el límite de tener un niño a aquellos incapaces de reproducirse solventa el problema de la caridad sin el problema de la eugenesia inmoral. Curt Doolittle Kiev, Ucrania Instituto Propietarista
“[T]he Fallacy of Crusoe’s Island, Surrounded by the sea. But what does the sea that surrounds and defends Crusoe’s island represent? It represents the walls of the ancient master’s house defended by master and warriors. It represents the ghetto’s walls defended by the European nobles and knights. It represents the eastern European territories defended by the Tsars, the Polish-Lithuanian Armies, and the Austro Hungarians. It represents Israel defended by American Navy, Arms, Missiles, and money. The thought model for the evolution of cooperation is the endless grassland of the Pontic steppe, evenly distributed with competitors, who must construct the mutual insurance of property and commons through the organized force of arms – denying that territory, capital and property to others. The Crusoe’s island thought model is not only a fallacy, but also a deception that seeks to justify the non-payment for the defense of territory, institutions, norms, capital, and property from competitors. Jewish Enlightenment Cosmopolitanism in socialist, Libertine libertarianism, and neo-conservatives forms, is an even worse failure than Anglo enlightenment liberalism’s social democracy and political correctness. Because like all of Jewish history, underinvestment in institutions of defense and commons by a migratory pastoral people means they engage in the privatization of costs that should have gone to defense of territory, institutions, norms, capital and property – and the export of cost of defense onto host warriors, who eventually tire of carrying free-riders. There is no free ride. The history of civilization is reducible to the incremental suppression of free riding, parasitism, and predation, by the incremental evolution of institutions, laws, traditions, and norms, which suppress it.” —Curt Doolittle, The Philosophy of Aristocracy, The Propertarian Institute