Theme: Reform

  • LOWER ORDER / HIGHER ORDER In my work I use the incremental, evolutionary, suppr

    LOWER ORDER / HIGHER ORDER

    In my work I use the incremental, evolutionary, suppression of parasitism in all its forms via natural judge discovered common law, as a means of causing the gradual increase in trust, and the gradual increase in the production of goods, at gradually increasing rates. (you can see this in Fukuyama’s work as well, although as an asian he prefers the monopoly bureaucracy instead of the western model of a market of sovereigns under the common law of sovereigns.)

    So I refer to higher orders as those with higher trust (lower corruption) and the corresponding institutions.


    Source date (UTC): 2017-01-27 08:22:00 UTC

  • RELIGION AND REVOLUTION (very important post) Religion functions as a regulatory

    RELIGION AND REVOLUTION

    (very important post)

    Religion functions as a regulatory institution limiting culture. It is one thing to allow religious ‘ghettos’ for political utility, another to tolerate those ghettos for commercial utility, and it’s quite another to create a poly-logical cultural (normative) equivalent to the mono-logical legal system. In other words, it is no more logical(honest) to produce a poly logical legal order, than it is a poly logical ethical order, than it is to produce a poly logical aesthetic order. These are not matters of preference but of truth. And matters of truth are not positive assertions but negative prohibitions. By the possibility of prohibiting that which violates physical, natural, and informational laws, we create a market for goods, but we prohibit a market for bads.

    So the separation of church and state is incorrect. That separation is necessary not so that we may permit competing religions – not so whatsoever – but (a) to prevent the conflation of religion with law, and (b) to allow the evolution of religions increasingly compatible with informational, natural, and physical laws.

    The military, organized crimes(federal police), local crimes (local police), and sheriffs (community police) must be independent because they do not choose, they only ACT. The judiciary must be independent to prevent its conflation, misuse, and corruption as an organization that decides (chooses) not acts. The church (and I use that term very loosely to describe all forms of aesthetics) must be independent for the same reasons as the judiciary and the military – to prevent its conflation, misuse or corruption. These are regulatory bodies for (1) military:force, (2) judiciary:exchange, and (3) aesthetics:good commons.

    The academy must be independent for the same reasons as the military, judiciary, and church: to prevent its conflation, misuse, and corruption. However this limits the academy to the sciences (the true) and preserves ‘the good’ as work for the church. Ergo, the aesthetic (allegorical) disciplines then are the providence of the regulation of the church, not the research and training of the academy. The Academy may produce good as a byproduct of truth, but the church must limit the good.

    Our Laws of Nature: Physical Laws, Cooperative Laws(Natural Law), and Informational Laws (Testimonial Law) must then limit all of these disciplines.

    Our germanic ancestors unfortunately did not grasp the genius of the ethics of the germanic oath (responsibility for truth, life, property, and commons), and the utility of common over continental law which enforced this oath not only upon the citizens but on the very institutions of government and religion themselves. The germans feared anglo truth. The anglos were seduced by the commercial gains of cosmopolitan empire – as are all empires that fail.

    The national socialists did not understand what they had discovered: a post-mystical religion – one that we all desire, and (unfortunately) one that we need. They too practiced conflation. They had one piece of the institutional puzzle but not enough of it to prevent ‘bads’.

    We can create a new ‘church’ and make use of our established monuments. That church must fulfill its duty as a limiter of aesthetics, just as the military(force), and judiciary(cooperation), create limits.

    But we must not make the mistake that other civilizations have made when their primary institutions fail: conflation. The answer we seek to restore western civilization is found in the choice of: Sovereignty, and the consequential choice of Transcendence and the consequential necessity of Markets in Everything. And in the means of decidability under them: The Laws: Physical, Cooperative(Natural), and informational (testimonial). And in the specialized institutions that limit the three means of coercion: Military, Judiciary, Church. And the one institution that provides innovation: Science, Academy, School, and Gymnasium.

    The human mind seeks simple models. We call them under various terms: stereotypes, ideal types, and ideals. It’s the most simple form of comparison. We want one rule,and one institution. But this ‘want’ leads us into conflation, and conflation leads us into misuse, corruption, stagnation, and failure.

    In retrospect our ancestors practiced soveregnty and tripartism (estates of the realm), intuitively and habitually, rather than scientifically (operationally and analytically). When the economic shift provided by the end of the plagues, the evolution of the hanseatic civilization as a competitor to the mediterranean, and the scientific enlightenment, unfortunately the middle class seized power by overestimating the potential of the commercial order and the power of markets.

    The accumulated cultural capital did take a long time to spend down. But spend it down we have. And by spending it down we can claim one benefit: by analyzing our loss, we can understand our error. And having understood our error, we can repair it.

    Deconflate the conflations of the enlightenment. End the attempt to construct an institutional monopoly – the antithesis of our historical reasons for success. Restore markets in everything. Restore markets in everything by restoring a judiciary under natural law, and adding informational law to the responsibility of that judiciary. Restore the church by restoring its responsibilities, and chartering it with a new natural rather than supernatural mission. Restore the military to its pervasive position in society as the central method of emergency services of all kinds.

    How can this be done?

    – Moral Permission (we have it)

    – A set of demands (a more precise version of that which is stated above)

    – A plan of transition (a demand for a new constitution, the reformation of our institutions, and the purge of certain institutions).

    – A plan of ‘persuasion’ ( Promise violence against the status quo, then incrementally increase it, until those demands are either met- or we descend into civil war, and we impose them ourselves.)

    Why is it possible?

    – because no civilization in history other than perhaps the Late Roman or Late Ottoman has been as fragile as ours is today.

    Opportunity knocks.

    Curt Doolittle

    The Propertarian Institute

    Kiev, Ukraine


    Source date (UTC): 2017-01-18 09:42:00 UTC

  • POPULIST POSSIBILITIES (to molyneux) Michael DeMarco Topics of this scale are no

    POPULIST POSSIBILITIES

    (to molyneux)

    Michael DeMarco

    Topics of this scale are not a subject for call in’s. Just establishing context is an effort. And it’s too likely to convert into a debate that I would win and not necessarily want to. Whereas an interview allows for a gradual meeting of minds and exploration of how the pursuit of liberty (by permission) might be restored to the pursuit of sovereignty (in fact) now that we have fully displaced our martial aristocracy with a secular priesthood so to speak, that no longer willingly grants us permission if we earn it.

    While I have spent a substantive effort discrediting the Mises/Rothbard/Hoppe/Friedman, arguments, other than a few early comments, I’ve left Stefan alone since firstly, it appears he has tried to find an alternate path to justifying the libertarian intuition compatible with traditional western ethics. And secondly, because my criticisms would largely be of a technical nature – meaning survival:criticism and science vs explanation: justification and rationalism. So I view him as doing profound good without doing substantive harm.

    That said, conversely, Stefan is an incredible educator, and if equipped with some of my arguments it would empower him further with greater reach and greater explanatory power.

    I have no interest in popularity. But at present, in this time of change, stefan is serving as english speaking liberty’s olive branch (via positiva): Inspiration, And I am serving as it’s bundle of arrows (via negativa): Law.

    And that combination of ideas provides a very interesting possibility in this long-anticipated era of rapid change.

    Curt Doolittle

    The Propertarian Institute

    Kiev, Ukraine


    Source date (UTC): 2017-01-04 05:27:00 UTC

  • WHAT’S YOUR POSITION ON UBI (WELFARE)? (I HAVE ONE. 🙂 ) (from elsewhere) 1) The

    WHAT’S YOUR POSITION ON UBI (WELFARE)? (I HAVE ONE. 🙂 )

    (from elsewhere)

    1) The province (Prince Edward Island) will conduct and EXPERIMENT in a rebranded expansion of WELFARE: a subsidy for the poor. It is not a UBI – Universal Basic Income. UBI proposal is that every citizen obtains it, and that taxes offset it as income increases. In other words, it places a tax increase on the wealthier people in order to expand subsidies. However, the math remains the same – total tax revenue is 10k per person. 1/3 discretionary (everything the govt does), 1/3 obligatory (medicare, medicaid, social security), and 1/3 military. of which the vast majority goes to salaries and pensions.

    2) North did the work against MMT (Modern Monetary Theory) of which UBI is a derivation. His judgement was that any such activity would result in hyperinflation. (But it’s non-trivial to explain why. Although I’ll try to do it justice below.)

    3) In theory, money is neutral. Meaning that inflationary money (printing money), will eventually work its way through the economy resulting in inflation. But this definition doesn’t inform us as to the extend of what happens. Yes, prices that CAN adjust do. But prices that CAN’T adjust DON’T. For example, salaries, contracts, leases, mortgages and loans. And so a lot of prices throughout the economy don’t stabilize predictably enough to take risks via salaries, contracts, leases, mortgages and loans. And when prices are not predictable, risk is priced in (prices increase), and contracts are shorter (higher volatility), and defaults are greater (higher costs), and litigations are more extensive, and consumption falls at the same time. So just as the fed tries to target a rate of inflation (as bad as that might be) it can at least offer credit money and fiat money without causing hyperinflation by the inability to organize intertemporal production because of the destruction of the pricing system.

    4) It’s simply empirically false that states cannot create runaway inflation by attempts to redistribute through fiat money dilution (inflationary redistribution). Many countries routinely fail because of it. Because the problem it creates is destruction of the pricing system, and destruction of risk taking and trust.

    To some degree printing money works only so long as the public cannot ‘sense’ the printing of money on time horizons that affect the production and consumption cycles. And in general the 3% number seems to be the target.

    5) Now, printing money for consumption(redistribution of existing purchasing power) and printing money for investment (intertemporal loans against future production) operate successfully as long as the future production is forthcoming from the stimulation of consumption and production. This is why we tend to use the combination of monetary policy(redistribution of purchasing power) and fiscal policy (debt spending). Because while printing money does us some good it is a weak lever, and is prone to privatization of the commons (financialization) that we all despise. Fiscal policy is a better lever but it is more prone to political corruption. And to some degree we have played the financial sector and the political sector off on one another as a sort of balance of power.

    But what we haven’t tried is distributing liquidity directly to consumers instead of as a multiplier through the financial system. So if we sell 1b $$ to the financial system at 2%, then they sell at a 10% reserve that’s roughly 10b in credit capacity (at a minimum because much of that money will be again resold to consumers as consumer credit at another multiplier). And then if we say that the interest will roughly double the initial price of the good, resulting in 20B of revenues, we sort of have to ask the question “why does the financial sector do any good for consumers whose credit risk is a statistical certainty?”. In other words, why don’t we just distribute 10-20B of liquidity right to consumers?

    My position is that we cannot PROMISE people any fixed redistribution, but what we CAN do is take the trillions that we distribute into the financial system and instead distribute it to consumers (citizens).

    6) During the 2008-2009 crisis, only two of us (me -who is meaningless – and one economist who unfortunately died before he could rally support – advocated for direct redistribution from the treasury by paying down mortgages proportionate to the value of the home (and leaving a credit balance for those who had been good at paying off their homes, plus 50k for those who purchased a home in the next calendar year). This would have cost less than the 4T we had spent in that time period. And it would have prevented the radical repricing of everything worldwide that caused the crash. And who would have paid for it? The financial sector would have lost as yet unearned income. Which is certainly moral from any perspective.

    7) The problem with these systems is that they create a profound hazard. My view would be that we need to reform immigration dramatically, and NOT offer this to people who have come here illegally unless they return to their home nations for 7-10 years – and this includes all anchor babies and immigrants since the (illegal and immoral) 1965 immigration act (socialist import act).

    8) The benefit of the redistribution to citizens of any necessary liquidity is that it will collapse the influence of the financial sector, and instead of using the financial sector as a competitor to the state, it will create all the POSITIVE incentives in the populace to (a) resist immigration, (b) resist government spending (c) resist increasing the government. So this will exchange the power of the financial sector as a competitor to the state for the power of the people as a competitor to the state.

    9) Also, my opinion, is that if we collapse enough of the state we can mandate that high income earners redirect income to the commons instead of consumption thereby weakening the local state.

    So I think that the general idea that we can redistribute liquidity and taxes to the population in order to stimulate consumption in stead of funding the financial sector. I think there will be consequences to the financial sector – all of which are good for mankind and for us.

    But as far as I know, UBI is just rebranded welfare. MMT is logically impossible and we do not know whether it is empirically impossible but the risk is so profound I don’t see anyone taking it (honestly).

    I do see my alternative CALCULABLE solution as not only possible but desirable.

    The downside of any of these strategies is that (a) we create a moral hazard by creating a dependence upon an income we cannot be sure is possible to sustain (the liberal AND libertarian fallacy of growth). And (b) politicians will try to buy off the population even more so than they do now, so that this must not be touchable by the politicians and only done by the fed. (c) that we do not know the consequences of doing such things because we never can konw them. And that reversing it is hard. (e) the money must be distributed irregularly (quarterly or yearly) so that people don’t live from check to check in the case that there IS a shock. (f) that this money must be unattachable by debtors and the state. In other words, it is not money that anyone can take from you for any reason. It is for your survival not your comfort.

    That’s my position on the matter.

    Curt Doolittle.


    Source date (UTC): 2016-12-08 16:35:00 UTC

  • We know the set of institution we must reform and how to reform them. We know th

    We know the set of institution we must reform and how to reform them. We know the mythos that we must use to perpetuate it


    Source date (UTC): 2016-12-05 16:17:23 UTC

    Original post: https://twitter.com/i/web/status/805808294946361346

    Reply addressees: @MartialSociety

    Replying to: https://twitter.com/i/web/status/805807561517633537


    IN REPLY TO:

    @MartialSociety

    @curtdoolittle you hit the nail on the head with natural law fundamentalism, exactly where I was going with this

    Original post: https://twitter.com/i/web/status/805807561517633537

  • #NewRight Yep. It Can Be Done – and it isn’t hard

    #NewRight Yep. It Can Be Done – and it isn’t hard.


    Source date (UTC): 2016-12-04 19:01:56 UTC

    Original post: https://twitter.com/i/web/status/805487316299030528

    Reply addressees: @StefanMolyneux

    Replying to: https://twitter.com/i/web/status/804576074503954432


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    Original post: https://twitter.com/i/web/status/804576074503954432

  • МОЇХ ДРУЗІВ В УКРАЇНІ (for my friends in Ukraine) Dear Volodymyr Groysman Prime

    http://www.forbes.com/sites/realspin/2016/12/01/promising-economics-3-years-after-ukraines-maidan-revolution/ДЛЯ МОЇХ ДРУЗІВ В УКРАЇНІ

    (for my friends in Ukraine)

    Dear Volodymyr Groysman

    Prime Minister of Ukraine.

    We’re very proud of you. We are proud of Ukraine. But the progress is slow. And the inability to reform the judiciary is the reason for that slow change. Our economy requires credit to expand. We can’t have credit when judicial outcomes are determined by bribes with regularity. We can’t expect the young judges to remain uncorrupted with eight hundred dollar a month salaries.

    We all know the problem is the Oligarchical control of the government, much of the common property, the media, and much of the land and resources. We also know that aggressive movement against them could degenerate into civil war – because they are well armed. But our failure to make these two problems the primary topic of public discourse, means that the people continue to blame the the government for their continued poverty.

    I live here and the daily pain of ordinary people is difficult to bear when I understand that there is nothing preventing Ukraine from achieving a natural position of one of the great states of Europe, but 40 oligarchical families holding the citizenry hostage, and 10,000 members of the judiciary helping them. So as appreciative as we are of your efforts, and as proud as we are of our men fighting in the east, and the sacrifices of Maidan, and our shift to the west, our people suffer the constant indignity of poverty while we talk about minor changes rather than making the central problem of restoring the common assets of the country to public control.

    Curt Doolittle

    The Propertarian Institute

    Kiev, Ukraine

    http://www.forbes.com/sites/realspin/2016/12/01/promising-economics-3-years-after-ukraines-maidan-revolution/

    (posted on forbes.com)


    Source date (UTC): 2016-12-04 02:37:00 UTC

  • #NewRight It turns out it is trivial to overthrow and eliminate the entire preda

    #NewRight It turns out it is trivial to overthrow and eliminate the entire predatory financial system. And we can do it in the next decade.


    Source date (UTC): 2016-12-04 00:51:46 UTC

    Original post: https://twitter.com/i/web/status/805212966639587328

  • #NewRight It turns out it is trivial to overthrow and eliminate the entire preda

    #NewRight It turns out it is trivial to overthrow and eliminate the entire predatory financial system. And we can do it in the next decade.


    Source date (UTC): 2016-12-03 19:51:00 UTC

  • I have been working on post-democratic political institutions since 1992. There

    I have been working on post-democratic political institutions since 1992. There are exceptional alternatives.


    Source date (UTC): 2016-12-03 02:38:52 UTC

    Original post: https://twitter.com/i/web/status/804877534110380032

    Reply addressees: @JonHaidt

    Replying to: https://twitter.com/i/web/status/803523215662415872


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    Original post: https://twitter.com/i/web/status/803523215662415872