Theme: Commons

  • LIBERTY (SOVEREIGNTY): MARKETS IN EVERYTHING Survival (competition) Reproduction

    LIBERTY (SOVEREIGNTY): MARKETS IN EVERYTHING

    Survival (competition)

    Reproduction (Marriage)

    Production (economy)

    Commons (market govt)

    Displute Resolution (natural law)

    Group Evolutonary Strategy (Polities)

    Hayek was right of course. He could have taken it even farther. But he was right.

    The answer to keynes(demand/spending) and hayek(disinformation/misallocation) is solved by credit cards from the treasury – assuming liquidity isn’t predictable. It needs to remain a lottery of uncertainty. The problem they were struggling with was distribution. The finacial system is a corrupt distributor, and the state spending is even worse.


    Source date (UTC): 2016-09-05 05:32:00 UTC

  • MARKETS IN EVERYTHING? THE WESTERN MODEL OF SOVEREIGNTY A market for reproductio

    MARKETS IN EVERYTHING? THE WESTERN MODEL OF SOVEREIGNTY

    A market for reproduction (family).

    A market for production (goods and services),

    a market for commons (government),

    a market for dispute resolution (common law),

    and a market for polities (voluntary association and disassociation).

    If you advocate for majority democracy by assent instead of market for commons under juridical defense, then you are just a fool and a thief like any other.

    It surprises me that you will hear economists justly criticize the misapplication of the economics of the family and small business to the international business, and government. Yet in the next breath advocate majoritarian democracy and the use of aggregates to conduct involuntary exchanges, rather than to construct a market for the voluntary exchange of commons uder juridical dissent in the next.

    Economists regularly justify their preconseptoins and utilitarian biases by applying the decision making of the tribe to that of the nation and empire.

    If there were voluntary construction of market commons rather than thefts by aggregation, think of (a) what economists would research instead of what they research today, and (b) what we would know about economics as a consequence rather than what we know today, and (c) how empowered each of us would be vs today, and (d) how we could solve problems of coflict between groups that we cannot solve today.

    Monopoly Majoritarian Representative Commons Production (Democratic government) is the origin of political conflict – the the solution to it.

    Curt Doolittle

    The Propertarian Institute


    Source date (UTC): 2016-09-04 04:19:00 UTC

  • LIBERAL:”The Democratic Allocation Of Dividends From Production Of Commons To Ra

    LIBERAL:”The Democratic Allocation Of Dividends From Production Of Commons To Raise The Standard Of Living Of Citizens.”


    Source date (UTC): 2016-09-03 11:43:06 UTC

    Original post: https://twitter.com/i/web/status/772037198958956544

    Reply addressees: @HeerJeet @JonHaidt

    Replying to: https://twitter.com/i/web/status/771851568228409344


    IN REPLY TO:

    @HeerJeet

    @JonHaidt What liberal tradition? Locke’s support of slavery? J.S. Mill’s imperialism? FDR’s interment of Japanese Americans?

    Original post: https://twitter.com/i/web/status/771851568228409344

  • Conflates forcible integation into market for reproduction, production, commons,

    Conflates forcible integation into market for reproduction, production, commons, law.


    Source date (UTC): 2016-09-03 10:48:09 UTC

    Original post: https://twitter.com/i/web/status/772023370145751040

    Reply addressees: @HeerJeet @EdBurkenstock @StrolllTrollll @JonHaidt

    Replying to: https://twitter.com/i/web/status/771860475558567937


    IN REPLY TO:

    @HeerJeet

    @StrolllTrollll @JonHaidt A lot of what we rightly see as horrifyingly racist was mainstream in western culture from say 1500 to 1960s

    Original post: https://twitter.com/i/web/status/771860475558567937

  • Classical liberalism: market family, economy, govt. Houses of govt=market for co

    Classical liberalism: market family, economy, govt. Houses of govt=market for commons. Democracy=monopoly.


    Source date (UTC): 2016-09-03 05:12:17 UTC

    Original post: https://twitter.com/i/web/status/771938847684956161

    Reply addressees: @Outsideness @NickLand7 @JonHaidt

    Replying to: https://twitter.com/i/web/status/771780755714301952


    IN REPLY TO:

    @Outsideness

    @NickLand7 @JonHaidt That’s because you’ve not been paying attention.

    Original post: https://twitter.com/i/web/status/771780755714301952

  • STAYING ON MESSAGE (non-commons libertarians are parasites) End Rothbardian LIbe

    STAYING ON MESSAGE

    (non-commons libertarians are parasites)

    End Rothbardian LIbertinism, Marxist Socialism, Straussian Neoconservatism.

    LIBERTINISM: PARASITISM ON HOST COMMONS (LATE 20th CENTURY LIBERTARIANISM)

    anrcho libertarian: eastern-european-russian-jewish libertine. ethics of borderland, bazaar, and ghetto. Non-consequentialist ethics. (parasitic)

    ARISTOCRACY: SOVEREIGNTY (CONSERVATISM)

    classical liberal libertarian: anglo-germanic liberty. market reproduction (family), market production(economy), market commons (multi-house-govt), market justice (rule of law). Ethics of landholding militia. Consequentialist ethics. (productive)


    Source date (UTC): 2016-09-03 03:02:00 UTC

  • THE OWNERSHIP SPECTRUM This might help everyone demarcate the different terms. u

    THE OWNERSHIP SPECTRUM

    This might help everyone demarcate the different terms.

    unaffilliated(individual) -> citizen(insured) -> stakeholder(in unenumerated commons) -> shareholder(enumerated commons) -> partner(inter personal decidability) -> “executive”(leadership decidability) -> (sole)owner(limited decidability) -> unaffilliated uninsured individual (total decidabilty)


    Source date (UTC): 2016-08-27 04:01:00 UTC

  • Privilege as a Commons

    [C]ritics of privilege allege that it is unearned, and therefore unfair. Well, part of that’s true, so far as it goes. I didn’t earn my privilege. I inherited most of it. But I do pay to maintain it. And I must pay to add to it, so that I may pass on more to my children.Every time I’m extended privilege, I’m necessarily given the opportunity to abuse it.

    When I go into a store, say, and am not followed around by security, I’m given the opportunity to steal. By foregoing that opportunity, I’m bearing an opportunity cost, and in so doing, paying for my privilege, and at the same time, maintaining it as a commons for others like me to enjoy.

    When I am pulled over by a policeman, and am polite and cooperative rather than belligerent and reactive, not only do I purchase a better outcome for myself, but for everyone who resembles me (in whatever way.)

    Every time I seek to do my share, rather than to shirk; to pay my way, rather than to free ride; to give, rather than take; I pay into the privilege bank. I can only ever cash in a fraction of that. But if I can count on others like me to do likewise, we all come out ahead.

    Now, if someone would be willing to bear those costs, but their coethnics are not, or are less willing than others, that’s unfortunate for them.

    But if they demand the same privilege, it is they who are demanding something unearned, and that their coethnics have not demonstrated a willingness to pay for, or at least an equal willingness to pay for. They are demanding that others take a risk for their benefit in extending them privilege; one that has not been shown to be a good risk but rather, a bad one, one not worth the cost of taking.

    If you want privilege, then pay for its construction as a commons. But do not attack those who do and demand that they share their privilege with you, and offer nothing in return.

    Now some might object that this is “collectivism” or “collective responsibility” and we should instead only judge anyone as individuals.

    But that is not a reasonable objection nor a reasonable suggestion.

    I don’t hold anyone accountable for the misdeeds of people who resemble them. But I can’t necessarily tell them apart. There is a cost involved in telling them apart. It takes time, effort, energy, resources, etc… And even then, there is risk, because it’s not foolproof.

    Now, if someone doesn’t want to be profiled, or discriminated against, there are three ways they can realistically attack this issue.

    They can help make it easier (and therefore less costly) for me to distinguish them from less reputable elements by using signals (dress, mannerisms, speech etc…) which demonstrate that they are not a threat, that they are successful, reliable, etc…

    They can increase the value of what they can OFFER me so that I have more incentive to invest in telling them apart.

    Or they can suppress the misbehavior of the disreputable element within their community themselves to reduce the NEED for me to tell them apart; to reduce the risk for me of failing to tell them apart.

    But to simply demand that I presume they are not part of that element, when I have no way of knowing whether they are part of that element or not, is to demand that I take a risk. And even if that risk is a good risk, and worth my while in their case, that demand includes the demand I extend the same benefit of the doubt to all others. And that is not worth my while.

    This is, so far as I can tell, an accurate and truthful (though not necessarily full) account of what social justice warriors are talking about when they talk about “privilege.”

    It’s nothing to be ashamed of. And when they rally and shame you over your privilege, they are behaving as a spoiled child behaves when it throws a temper tantrum, and for the same reason. They want you to give them something but they don’t want to give you anything in return. So they resort to moral, emotional and social blackmail, hoping you will give them what they want to leave you alone.

    But they never will leave you alone, because as long as this method works, they will never quit using it, never quit making demands, never quit throwing tantrums like bratty children.

    Never give in.

    Reposted from Eli Harman:
    Privilege as a Commons

  • Privilege as a Commons

    [C]ritics of privilege allege that it is unearned, and therefore unfair. Well, part of that’s true, so far as it goes. I didn’t earn my privilege. I inherited most of it. But I do pay to maintain it. And I must pay to add to it, so that I may pass on more to my children.Every time I’m extended privilege, I’m necessarily given the opportunity to abuse it.

    When I go into a store, say, and am not followed around by security, I’m given the opportunity to steal. By foregoing that opportunity, I’m bearing an opportunity cost, and in so doing, paying for my privilege, and at the same time, maintaining it as a commons for others like me to enjoy.

    When I am pulled over by a policeman, and am polite and cooperative rather than belligerent and reactive, not only do I purchase a better outcome for myself, but for everyone who resembles me (in whatever way.)

    Every time I seek to do my share, rather than to shirk; to pay my way, rather than to free ride; to give, rather than take; I pay into the privilege bank. I can only ever cash in a fraction of that. But if I can count on others like me to do likewise, we all come out ahead.

    Now, if someone would be willing to bear those costs, but their coethnics are not, or are less willing than others, that’s unfortunate for them.

    But if they demand the same privilege, it is they who are demanding something unearned, and that their coethnics have not demonstrated a willingness to pay for, or at least an equal willingness to pay for. They are demanding that others take a risk for their benefit in extending them privilege; one that has not been shown to be a good risk but rather, a bad one, one not worth the cost of taking.

    If you want privilege, then pay for its construction as a commons. But do not attack those who do and demand that they share their privilege with you, and offer nothing in return.

    Now some might object that this is “collectivism” or “collective responsibility” and we should instead only judge anyone as individuals.

    But that is not a reasonable objection nor a reasonable suggestion.

    I don’t hold anyone accountable for the misdeeds of people who resemble them. But I can’t necessarily tell them apart. There is a cost involved in telling them apart. It takes time, effort, energy, resources, etc… And even then, there is risk, because it’s not foolproof.

    Now, if someone doesn’t want to be profiled, or discriminated against, there are three ways they can realistically attack this issue.

    They can help make it easier (and therefore less costly) for me to distinguish them from less reputable elements by using signals (dress, mannerisms, speech etc…) which demonstrate that they are not a threat, that they are successful, reliable, etc…

    They can increase the value of what they can OFFER me so that I have more incentive to invest in telling them apart.

    Or they can suppress the misbehavior of the disreputable element within their community themselves to reduce the NEED for me to tell them apart; to reduce the risk for me of failing to tell them apart.

    But to simply demand that I presume they are not part of that element, when I have no way of knowing whether they are part of that element or not, is to demand that I take a risk. And even if that risk is a good risk, and worth my while in their case, that demand includes the demand I extend the same benefit of the doubt to all others. And that is not worth my while.

    This is, so far as I can tell, an accurate and truthful (though not necessarily full) account of what social justice warriors are talking about when they talk about “privilege.”

    It’s nothing to be ashamed of. And when they rally and shame you over your privilege, they are behaving as a spoiled child behaves when it throws a temper tantrum, and for the same reason. They want you to give them something but they don’t want to give you anything in return. So they resort to moral, emotional and social blackmail, hoping you will give them what they want to leave you alone.

    But they never will leave you alone, because as long as this method works, they will never quit using it, never quit making demands, never quit throwing tantrums like bratty children.

    Never give in.

    Reposted from Eli Harman:
    Privilege as a Commons

  • WHEN WE SAY SCIENTIFIC WHAT OPERATIONS ARE WE REFERRING TO? (important) (scienti

    WHEN WE SAY SCIENTIFIC WHAT OPERATIONS ARE WE REFERRING TO?

    (important) (scientific method) (informational commons)

    It’s not the subject matter, nor the method of inquiry, nor the method of hypothesizing that’s classifiably scientific or that places any limits on what we call scientific investigation.

    ORIGINATION OF HYPOTHESIS: INCREASED INFORMATION AVAILABLE TO PERCEPTION

    We can produce an hypothesis through free association, or random selection. The method of arrival doesn’t tell us anything. In general we must increase the amount of information that we possess either by concentrating time, expanding time, expanding scale, decreasing scale, increasing precision of physical instrumentation, increasing precision of logical instrumentation, increasing precision of institutional instrumentation. Once we have increased information by reducing it to an analogy to experience that we CAN perceive, we can then compare and make judgements and offer hypotheses that transcend the limitations of perception, time, scale, and instrumentation.

    The function of the discipline of science – and that which we call the scientific method – is to test each dimension of a hypothesis to determine whether it survives. And by survival increase the burden that we place on the testing; and by failure discover new potential ideas (avenues) for inquiry (free association).

    Because of this, the discipline of science, with which we practice the scientific method, functions (like its origins in law), as a warranty of due diligence against error, bias, wishful thinking, suggestion(and substitution), overloading(pseudorationalism, pseudoscience, propaganda), and deceit.

    In the process of due diligence, we search (a process of wayfinding), for possible causal explanations.

    INVESTIGATION: CONSTRUCTION OF INSTRUMENTATION

    The act of scientific *investigation* consists not in the warranties, but in developing categorical, logical, physical, and institutional instrumentation with which to reduce what we cannot directly experience, to that which we can experience, so that we can detect marginal differences, and make decisions, which serve as inputs to our free association (search of memory for patterns).

    So just as we use justification for moral and legal argument, and criticism for truth and scientific argument. Just as we use the golden rule to assert desirable ends, and the silver rule to prevent negative ends, we also construct instrumentation to assert positive tests, and we apply the scientific method, to conduct negative tests.

    Most science requires the invention of tools to extend our perception such that we can reduce the imperceptible to an analogy to experience with which we can make comparisons and render judgments.

    DUE DILIGENCE: WARRANTY OF TRUTHFULNESS

    But why must we perform due diligence?

    True Enough? True Enough For What Purpose

    ———————————————————————

    Comprehension?

    Further Association?

    Planning action?

    Acting?

    Risking?

    – or –

    Communication?

    Negotiation?

    Advice?

    Ethical license?

    Moral license?

    Risk of loss license?

    Risk of harm license?

    Risk of Death License?

    There are greater consequences to our utterances than there are to our thoughts. What happens in your bedroom is beyond the reach of the commons, and so long as it does not enter the commons there is not a moral question. What happens in your living room among guests may enter the commons or not. What actions and words you speak in public are de facto within the commons. If you PUBLISH and especially do so for any form of profit, then you are manufacturing a good (or harm) that is not only entered into the commons but for the duration of its existence. There is no difference between shipping a poisonous medicine, an incorrect recipe or plan, a product that if misused can harm, or a product that can harm without extraordinary due diligence.

    We tolerate emotional outbursts from one another. We tolerate error from one another, we tolerate bias sometimes, we tolerate suggestion infrequently, and we react negatively do deception and harm. Moral intuitions evolved to cause us to retaliate even at very high cost, against those who engage in parasitism by any means, including the imposition of harm directly or indirectly.

    NO MAN WANTS TO PAY THE COST OF REGULATION AGAINST HARM – HE PREFERS TO EXTERNALIZE THE COSTS PARASITICALLY, FOR TESTING HIS UTTERANCES.

    Parasitism in production, consumption, defense, and information are all natural human behaviors: we take discounts where we can get away with them.

    But the history of civilization is the history of incremental suppression of parasitism from murder, to violence, to theft, to fraud, to conspiracy. And the (Popperian) insight that science occurs not only personally, interpersonally, and socially, and that we do harm by pseudoscientific and insufficient diligence, because we have insufficient incentive to warranty our utterances.

    The scientific method, at least for scientists, asks us to use instrumentation and judgement to warranty our utterances against error, bias, wishful thinking, suggestion, overlaoding, and decet. It just so happens that in an effort to speak the truth, through these process of warranties, we are more likely to discover that truth.

    THE X/Y AXIS OF DECIDABILITY IN THE SUFFICIENCY OF WARRANTY

    x—> Epistemic process, Y —> Due diligence against harm.

    There is no difference between the production of any good whether physical, normative, institutional, or intellectual. It follows the same process from free association, to individual rational testing, to individual or group hypothesis, to thorough testing, to theory to social application testing, to law, to universal metaphysical assumption about the nature of the universe we live in: physical and totally deterministic, or sentient, and less so.

    What differs only is which output we value that is produced in that process AND the level of ‘truthfulness’ necessary to act upon it without harm to ourselves or others.

    COSTS PROVIDE DECIDABILITY IN CHOICE

    We must always, if we are to avoid error and immorality, remember that the reason that the ancients failed to solve the problem of social science was that they ignored costs. Whether this was a polite mannerism of the wealthy crippling their reason, or the natural consequence of cost exposing our different interests, or fear of overlapping religion and politics, morality and law, and drawing their ire. The separation is either an error, a bias, or a deceit.

    The reasons we did not solve the problem of social science, are the same reasons popper did not correctly identify the scientific equivalent of the mathematical axiom of choice: cost.

    The universe takes the least cost route. Man takes the least cost route. Scientific investigation can and does proceed successfully by taking the least cost route. And it is the least cost route to information expansion that we CAN and do use to provide decidability in matters of inquiry. And that is what we do.

    Man is a very simple creature. We observe changes in state of assets that we value (calorically). These changes in assets produce chemical reactions we call emotions. Our mind evolved to assist us in obtaining those emotions. Our minds use memory to conduct wayfinding. We then criticize our wayfinding. And of the possible found ways, we take that which provides the greatest return in the shortest time, for the least effort, with the greatest degree of certainty, ad the lowest risk.

    Becuase we are merely a part of nature. And memory is very useful for the production of energy, and the conservation of energy, despite its extremely high cost of operation.

    Curt Doolittle

    The Philosophy of Aristocracy

    The Propertarian Institute


    Source date (UTC): 2016-08-22 06:09:00 UTC