Violence is a virtue not a vice. Like any resource it is scarce and can be put to good and ill uses. But try to create property rights without it. Try to hold your property rights without it. You can’t. No one has. No one will. Property is a product of the application of violence. Property is a minority preference with majority returns. Liberty is a minority preference with majority returns. Almost all humans seek to consume products of the market. Very, very few humans seek to produce products for the market. The majority of humans seek every possible opportunity to avoid participation in the market. The only people who participate in the market are the self employed, or the commissioned. People who sell there services in exchange for wages are avoiding the market. Government employees are avoiding the market. Unions members who seek security and wages are avoiding the market. (not safety) The wealthy and the retired are avoiding the market. Under agrarianism, everyone was in the market. Everyone produced for both themselves and the market. Under consumer capitalism, very few people participate in the market. Do we wonder why rent seekers are more numerous than producers? Violence is a form of wealth. Do not surrender it unless you receive freedom in exchange. And take back your violence if the warrantee on your freedom is broken.
Theme: Coercion
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IT’S NOT CAPITALISM IT’S THE STATE Statism + Capitalism->Corporatism Statism + S
IT’S NOT CAPITALISM IT’S THE STATE
Statism + Capitalism->Corporatism
Statism + Socialism->Totalitarianism
“The only way to win, is not to play the game.”
The enemy is the state.
The state consists of politicians and bureaucrats.
Replace Republican Democracy with Lottocracy.
Replace bureaucracy with privatization.
Replace the decimated constitution with a stronger one.
Without politicians and bureaucrats both totalitarianism and corporatism are impossible.
The state creates corporatism and totalitarianism.
This is the the Moderate Libertarian insight.
Source date (UTC): 2012-02-14 11:23:00 UTC
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A Counter To Complaints Against Indefinite Detention
My libertarian friends seem to be making a lot of noise about recent policy that allows the USA to conduct “indefinite detention” in its fight against terroris. And, despite my desire to circle the wagons whenever possible, I don’t have any problem with “Indefinite Detention”. Although, I’ll qualify that later on. We have a long history in the west, of detaining prisoners of war for the duration of the war, and exempting them from punishment, and negotiating the terms of their exchange at the end of the war, in exchange for our prisoners, and other concessions. One of those concessions is that we hold the group we negotiate with accountable for the actions of the released prisoners. Our tradition of holding prisoners, and the laws that surround it, is ancient. It had multiple purposes. It reduced the likelihood of violence against a soldier, which made men on both sides more willing to join the military and fight. It allowed for ransoms to be collected. And it allowed for more peaceable negotiations since the slaughter of prisoners tends to incite the opposition interminably. So, I have no problem with indefinite detention. That is,assuming that Congress has declared war on a group, a state, or a concept. In our secular legal system, we make the false assumption that an antagonist against whom we can declare war must be a state. But that’s not true. We conducted the crusades, not only because of the actions of the islamic states, not only because of their bloody violence against european property, but because of the INACTION of the islamic states in securing the safety of pilgrims to the holy land. (The bulgarians in particular.) So, one of the virtues of a state, is that a state can be held responsible for the actions of its citizens against those of foreign states. Otherwise a state is just an excuse for giving a haven to terrorists, thieves, pirates, brigands, drug dealers and all other despicable people. But it’s not just the abstraction of a state we can old accountable. A state is just an idea, a territory, and a group of people. We can also hold a group, or idea accountable. We certainly held Communism accountable. And if we had been as vigorous as say, (general ww2) wanted us to, we might have saved 70 million chinese, and 20 million Russians from fratricide from starvation and murder at the hands of their own governments due to an absolutely insane economic ideology. We can certainly hold groups accountable for their actions, regardless of their state or lack of one. We can certainly hold peoples accountable for their religious and cultural associates. All that need justify “indefinite detention” is an act of congress that labels a group, a state, a people, or an idea or movement, the subject of a declaration of war. If then people feel a terrible objection they can certainly move their congress, their senate and their president away from war against their own people. It is not citizenship in the abstract that protects an individual from acts of war by his own country. It is his subscription to it’s laws, and covenants, which are demonstrated by his words and actions. War is not a matter for law. Law is for the purpose of resolving conflicts within a state. War is for resolving conflicts outside of law. And if a country declares a group, an idea, a people, or a state the target of war, then individuals who conspire and associate with a group, promote an idea, belong to a people, or are citizens of a state, are no longer criminals, but combatants in a war, or traitors. I don’t have any problem with “indefinite detention” of anyone against whom we declare war. I don’t understand why I should fear my government outlawing me for my ideas, associations, or actions. And, given the political power of my fellow Americans, I am not terribly concerned with outlawing the ideas, association or actions of others. And, taken to the extreme, should my government declare war against me for some reason, then I am no longer prohibited from using my inventory of violence against that state. Because it is my violence that I give to the state to use on my behalf when I become a citizen. A state is nothing but claim to a territorial monopoly on violence. And should my state reject me, or outlaw me, then I no longer must restrain my violence. And I may use it to any moral end that I choose. Be it to overthrow that state, form another, or give my violence to some other state, some other group, in support of some other idea, so that either I, or others may use it on my behalf. Indefinite detention is a meaningless objection by libertarians who are convicted pacifists rather than practical observers of human nature. However, any indefinite detention must be limited to those imprisoned under articles of war. They certainly have a right to military tribunal, but the only argument that must matter to the tribunal is whether they are part of the group, a member of a people, a state, an ideology against which we have made a declaration of war. In our own legal system, the judiciary has determined that legal recourse post-hoc is a sufficient guarantee of liberty for the individual. While I disagree with their position because of the value of time and opportunity, and because it lets the judiciary act too slowly and irresponsibly, any argument that the due process of law is superior to the process of tribunals is at best a false equivalency, and at best an open deceit. Indefinite detention is entirely acceptable as long as there is a declaration of war. In fact, it’s preferred.
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The Second and Further Questions Of Politics
The first question of politics is ‘why do I not kill you and take your stuff?’ (Why should we form a cooperative order, versus a dictatorship) The Second question of politics is ‘what are our property definitions, both communal and several?’ (how shall we break the world into actionable bits) The second question of politics, is ‘what are our norms?’ (‘What is our shareholder agreement over the treatment of those property definitions?’) The third question of politics is ‘how do we prevent corruption, fraud, theft and violence against several and communal property?’ (The privatization of public assets and the involuntary transfer of assets, against the terms of our shareholder agreement.) The fourth question of politics is ‘how do we create institutions to resolve conflict over property and norms?’ ( How do we register citizenship, register property ownership, what requirements we place on individual behavior, and what is the manner of our judiciary for the resolution of disputes) The fifth question of politics is ‘how do we suppress the numan desire for corruption?’ The sixth question of politics is ‘How shall we coordinate, choose and administer investments on the behalf of shareholders?’ The seventh question of politics is ‘how do we distribute the surplus from our investments to our shareholders should we have any?’
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The First Question of Politics
I’ve said this many times, but given what I’ve read today, I’ll say it again: Per Camus, the first question of philosophy is ‘Why don’t we commit suicide?’ That one question is one of philosophy’s most informative riddles. But I have another riddle that adds just as much insight as Camus’ does to philosophy, into political philosophy: That is: “Why don’t I just kill you and take your stuff?” ((Or “Why don’t I just kill you and prevent you from taking my stuff?”)) If you can answer that question, all those questions that follow become non-neutral. By which I mean, that arguments over property are not those which you can walk away from. Political disputes are not conducted over matters of taste. They are matters of property or we would not debate them.
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Four Reasons For The Long Term Decline In Violence
Regarding Pinker’s new book on the decline in violence in the world over time. I would argue that there are the following reasons for the worldwide decline in violence. 1. The Abstraction Of Property Stated by an unnamed commenter on The Economist: Odd that no mention is made of the most obvious point: that when one can abstract wealth (for example, into bank accounts and physical property) violence declines proportionately. In some parts of Africa where wealth is largely a function of how many cattle one has, violence is quite prevalent. This is because wealth can be captured by violent means – the risk/reward ratio is favorable. But in the West, what can a mugger hope to get? A few pounds or euros or dollars. The victim’s wealth is largely inaccesible. So only the most desperate resort to violence – far better to become a Wall Street banker and steal billions quite legally without needing to use any physical force at all. The correlation between violence and the abstraction of wealth is well understood so the omission of this fact is quite surprising.2. Increases In the Likelihood of Punishment. Contrary to liberal desires, it turns out that longer, and harsher sentences are in fact a deterrent. That’s the data. That’s the fact. Plain and simple. 3. Increasing real wealth Obviously a deterrent. 4. Cheap Entertainment A bored male is a dangerous thing.
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List of 20th Century Genocides
The worst genocides of the 20th Century (160 million killed) – Mao Ze-Dong (China, 1958-61 and 1966-69, Tibet 1949-50) 49-78,000,000 – Jozef Stalin (USSR, 1932-39) 23,000,000 (the purges plus Ukraine’s famine) – Adolf Hitler (Germany, 1939-1945) 12,000,000 (concentration camps and civilians WWII) – Leopold II of Belgium (Congo, 1886-1908) 8,000,000 – Hideki Tojo (Japan, 1941-44) 5,000,000 (civilians in WWII) – Ismail Enver (Turkey, 1915-20) 1,200,000 Armenians (1915) + 350,000 Greek Pontians and 480,000 Anatolian Greeks (1916-22) + 500,000 Assyrians (1915-20) – Pol Pot (Cambodia, 1975-79) 1,700,000 – Kim Il Sung (North Korea, 1948-94) 1,600,000 (purges and concentration camps) – Menghistu (Ethiopia, 1975-78) 1,500,000 – Yakubu Gowon (Biafra, 1967-1970) 1,000,000 – Leonid Brezhnev (Afghanistan, 1979-1982) 900,000 – Jean Kambanda (Rwanda, 1994) 800,000 – Saddam Hussein (Iran 1980-1990 and Kurdistan 1987-88) 600,000 – Tito (Yugoslavia, 1945-1987) 570,000 – Sukarno (Communists 1965-66) 500,000 – Fumimaro Konoe (Japan, 1937-39) 500,000? (Chinese civilians) – Jonas Savimbi (Angola, 1975-2002) 400,000 – Mullah Omar – Taliban (Afghanistan, 1986-2001) 400,000 – Idi Amin (Uganda, 1969-1979) 300,000 – Yahya Khan (Pakistan, 1970-71) 300,000 (Bangladesh) – Benito Mussolini (Ethiopia, 1936; Libya, 1934-45; Yugoslavia, WWII) 300,000 – Mobutu Sese Seko (Zaire, 1965-97) ? = Charles Taylor (Liberia, 1989-1996) 220,000
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BLEEDING HEARTS OR ANARCHISTS? There is a movement called ‘Neo-Classical Liberal
BLEEDING HEARTS OR ANARCHISTS?
There is a movement called ‘Neo-Classical Liberalism’, whose members refer to themselves as “bleeding heart libertarians”. This movement combines classical anglo american political institutions and the classical liberal sentiments in favor of freedom and innovation, with libertarian economic and political insights, new institutional economics, and modern macro economics.
I’m torn between trying to coalesce that movement somewhat or simply attempting to repair Austrian Libertarian theory on it’s own by fixing the hole left in praxeology by the failure to incorporate forgone opportunity costs. — It is really a matter of audiences. But audiences matter.
The rothbardian movement is doing such a good job of promoting libertarianism – albiet among relative populists. The Hoppeians are infinitesimally small in number. (Hans might not like it but I consider myself a Hoppeian). But the Neo-Classical Liberal program has a chance of selling to the broad conservative audience.
So my plan is to bring the ‘Propertarian Methodology’ of Rothbard and Hoppe to the Neo-Classical Liberal framework, by adding my work on forgone opportunity costs to the Propertarian body of work. This should solve the problem of explaining the differences between Hayek and Mises, and represent them as a single, unified, spectrum of reasoning differing only in temporal preference.
Propertarian reasoning is the only fully rational explanation of ethics ever developed. Propertarianism unites ethics, economics and politics with econometrics. Combined with the insights provided by the debate over economic calculation and incentives, Propertarianism allows us to fully describe human activity as rational, but limited by knowledge, and fraught with error.
I realize this is geek speak. But maybe there are a handful of geeks out there who are vaguely interested. 🙂
My other goal is to write in short, clear sentences.
I have less confidence in achieving that goal than in solving the greater philosophical problems that I’ve set my mind to.
Source date (UTC): 2011-12-16 08:22:00 UTC
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bravado never ceases to amaze me. It’d take about three days to return iran to t
http://news.yahoo.com/iran-army-declines-mps-hormuz-exercise-remarks-132115297.htmlIranian bravado never ceases to amaze me.
It’d take about three days to return iran to the stone age.
Source date (UTC): 2011-12-13 11:29:00 UTC
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Emma West
http://www.news.britainfirst.org/political-correctness/support-political-prisoner-emma-west-this-christmas/Free Emma West.
Source date (UTC): 2011-12-11 21:44:00 UTC