Theme: Coercion

  • TOM WOODS AND CHRIS CANTWELL ON AGGRESSION (Note: I love the pejorative term ’em

    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FDGrYXqjpWACONTRA TOM WOODS AND CHRIS CANTWELL ON AGGRESSION

    (Note: I love the pejorative term ’emotional hypochondriac’. I’ll have to use that.)

    CRITICISM 1

    To say that aggression is precise is not the same as saying it’s sufficient. (It’s not). To say that harm is imprecise is not the same as saying it’s false. All these two statements mean as that we have not yet solved the problem of the necessary AND sufficient criteria for liberty.

    I’m a hard-right libertarian. More right than Hans Hoppe. In that I am certain, given the evidence, both of history, of reason, and in addition, the recent evidence produced by science, that the only means of obtaining liberty is for the minority of those of us who desire it, to impose it by the threat, promise, and execution of organized violence. Their is no contrary evidence. And Rothbardians have no counter to this argument except ‘faith’ that others will somehow adopt their arguments. Which is also counter to the evidence.

    Left libertarians are trying to reconstruct the church – just as the progressive left is. Rothbardians are advocating the ethics and politics of diasporic jewish merchants and bankers, as well as american Puritans. And right libertarians advocating for the return to the monarchy, independent judiciary, common law and the militia.

    We are all advocating our moral specializations, like good ants specializing in one form of activity or other. The question is which institutional model will result in a condition of liberty in the absence of a state?

    Will people choose a rothbardian anarchy that only prohibits physical aggression against property? Or, will they choose an anarchy that also prohibits immoral and unethical violations of property? Is it possible to peacefully obtain a state of anarchy for the minority of humans who are liberty seekers? Or is necessary to obtain that state of anarchy by the organized threat of violence to obtain that liberty whether others wish to permit it or not?

    CRITICISM 2

    Tom, in good rothbardian form, states that harm is a fuzzy criteria. But aggression is also fuzzy – unless we define property as IVP. Harm may be ‘fuzzy’ but only because one does not define property subject to harm. Harm against defined property is not fuzzy. The involuntary transfer of property, when property is defined, is not fuzzy. So, the argumentative logic here is a fallacy. As Hoppe has stated repeatedly, it’s the definition of property that determines whether one has committed a violation of the rules of cooperation, not the means of violation of that property. Any means of violating the property one has defined is a transgression.

    It is easier to emotionally envision and empathize with aggression, than it is to enumerate the forms of property that allow for peaceful, moral, ethical cooperation, and as such eliminate demand for the state as a suppressor of violence, immorality, and unethical actions, as well as the violence that results from the failure to suppress criminal immoral and unethical actions.

    In a consanguineous band of hunter gatherers, very little is allocated as private property and almost everything remains communal in ownership. As we break into families, that which can be inherited is allocated into private property. As we develop into a division of knowledge and labor, under traditional families nearly everything is allocated into private property at the family level, but remains relatively communal within the family since free riding in the family is a form of insurance, but non-family is prohibited from free riding. As we suppress free riding in the family and adopt the absolute nuclear family, property becomes a universally individualistic allocation, and all collective rights of any kind must be allocated via some sort of shareholder agreement. (And that’s what we have seen evolve.) Property reflects the relationship between reproductive structures (family) and the structure of production in which the family exists.

    Private property and the absolute nuclear family are highly meritocratic levels of property definition.

    Meanwhile, as complexity of human relationships increase with the division of knowledge and labor, so does the opportunity for unethical and immoral activity due to increases int he asymmetry of knowledge. In other words, morality increases with the complexity of the society as moral constraints narrow along with the definition of private property. Law, Morality (ethics), and Property evolve as a set of parallel rules as the division of knowledge and labor increases in complexity.

    No society can anchor a definition of property, law, or morality, unless it also anchors its economic progress. If the division of knowledge and labor increases, but property law and morality do not, then unethical and immoral and criminal behavior will fill the new vacuum, and people will demand ‘order’ in the form of the state to suppress that behavior. This is the virtue of the common law and the organic development of property rights.

    So, not only are rothbardians wrong to use the NAP without specifically stating that it’s not the NAP that matters, but the definition of property under IVP. But even so, the IVP is static and unevolving. And the combination of NAP/IVP embodied as the basis of the law, effectively licenses immoral and unethical behavior. And by consequence, rothbardianism drives, incontrovertibly, to demand for, and construction of, the oppressor state.

    Why do I care? Because Rothbardians try to achieve catharsis through verbal repetition: the attempt to construct reality by chanting. And this chanting has undermined the movement for liberty both by delegitimizing libertarians, and distracting us from finding a solution to the problem of property definitions necessary for the resolution of disputes such that no state is necessary.

    CRITICISM 3

    You cannot both appropriate the term ‘libertarian’ that is far older than Mr Rothbard’s use of it, and criticize the left for appropriating ‘liberal’. You cannot both levy a claim against IP, and then claim the term ‘libertarian’ as equal to “rothbardian libertarian’. Rothbard used the term “libertarianism” for his philosophy, he state the criteria for adherence as non-aggression, and defined property only as that which is intersubjectively verifiable. However, in the etymology of the term, and in the survey evidence we possess, and now the cognitive science we possess, those of use who desire ‘liberty’ are still ‘libertarians’ because we attach higher priority to freedom to experience, and freedom from constraint than do members of the other points of the political spectrum. So, squatting on ‘libertarian’ as if it is identical to “Rothbardian Libertarianism under the NAP/IVP” is (a) appropriation of a term (b) an attempt at monopolizing the movement (c) unscientific since anyone who treats liberty as the highest political priority is by definition ‘libertarian’. He may or may not ascribe to Rothbardian Libertarianism and the NAP/IVP but he is a libertarian. And our failure to find a set of principles that unite all people with that highest priority, while preventing the evolution of the state, is yet another indicator that the Rothbardian Libertarian NAP/IVP program is a failure.

    Aggression is the great nonsense distraction of our time. The problem any polity faces is the definition of necessary property rights given their state of advancement, and their family structures. The means of violating that property are irrelevant.

    As far as I know this argument is bulletproof. Although that won’t stop Rothbardians from attempting to create an alternate reality by chanting.

    WELCOME

    Welcome tho the dark enlightenment – the return to particularism, propertarianism – the logic of cooperation, and aristocratic egalitarianism – the ethics of sovereignty. It’s where Rothbarians go when they grow up.


    Source date (UTC): 2014-05-15 05:03:00 UTC

  • FOR TOM WOODS: ON THICK AND THIN Tom, Great of you to weigh in on this topic. Yo

    FOR TOM WOODS: ON THICK AND THIN

    Tom,

    Great of you to weigh in on this topic. You’ve also provided Rothbardians with an ‘out’ that I didn’t think of. That the NAP is fullness of libertarianism but not the fullness of life. I’d thought that the only ‘out’ was that rothbardian libertarianism was sufficient for the moral interaction of states, but insufficient for the construction of a polity.

    THE PROBLEM IS LAW

    It’s true that aggression is immoral and it’s true that aggression must be illegal. But is it rational for humans to join a voluntary, anarchic polity, if the basis of **LAW** is “non-aggression against intersubjectively verifiable property”, or must the basis of law be either based on something other than aggression, or broader in scope than intersubjectively verifiable property?

    What is the minimum basis for the law upon which it becomes rational to join a voluntary, anarchic polity?

    If we have a choice between:

    (a) a totalitarian capitalist society, like say, China.

    (b) a contemporary social democracy, like say the States.

    (c) an anarchic polity in which one CAN bring suit against immoral and unethical actions (say, blackmail, and fraud by omission).

    (d) an anarchic polity where unethical and immoral actions are expressly licensed by the law, and retribution for immoral and unethical actions is forbidden.

    1) Then which of these will which people of which moral biases, choose?

    2) How will members of that polity be treated by members of the competing polities?

    3) How will the territory and trade representatives of that polity be treated by competing polities?

    I think that an intellectually honest analysis of those questions produces an obvious, and remarkably consistent answer. That is, that either aggression is the incorrect test of peaceful cooperation, or intersubjectively verifiable property is an insufficient test of the scope of property that must be protected from violation, or more likely both.

    The current proceeds of anthropology, genetics, and cognitive science, tell us that violations of the evolutionary preference for cooperation, are reducible to ‘free riding’: that is non-contribution. Since in any set of individuals, if we do not require productive contribution, then some are the victims of free riding (parasitism) and others benefit from free riding (parasitism).

    MORALITY

    If we analyze the common prohibitions of all moral codes under all family structures, and we remove moral constraints that are purely ritualistic, these moral codes are universally reducible to necessary prohibitions on what we would call ‘property violations’ in an effort to facilitate mutually beneficial cooperation.

    Moral Prohibition Spectra:

    1) Agression: Harm/Oppression,

    2) Trust: Subversion/Betrayal/Cheating,

    3) Purity: Inobservance of Norms/Behavioral impurity/Pollution

    All of these are reducible to shareholder rights and obligations.

    Humans universally demonstrate a greater interest in punishing moral violations than we demonstrate self interest. IN fact, we justify our pre-cognitive moral punishments without even being able to articulate why we hold them. We are wired for morality.

    We evolved language and punishments violations of these moral intuitions in the form of criminal, ethical, and moral prohibitions:

    1. Violence (asymmetry of force)

    2. Theft (asymmetry of control)

    3. Fraud (false information)

    4. Omission (Omitting information)

    5. Obscurantism (Obscuring information)

    6. Obstruction (Inhibiting someone else’s transaction)

    7. Externalization (externalizing costs of any transaction)

    8. Free Riding (using externalities for self benefit)

    9. Socializing Losses (externalization to commons)

    10. Privatizing Gains (appropriation of commons)

    11. Rent Seeking (organizational free riding)

    12. Corruption ( organized rent seeking)

    13. Conspiracy (organized indirect theft)

    14. Extortion (Organized direct theft)

    15. War (organized violence)

    PROPERTY

    We can empirically observe that people treat a broad spectrum of things as their property, and that they intuit violations of that property, and act to defend that property.

    I. Several (Personal) Property

    Personal property: “Things an individual has a Monopoly Of Control over the use of.”

    Physical Body and Several Property: Those things we claim a monopoly of control over.

    II. Artificial Property

    Shares in property: Recorded And Quantified Shareholder Property (claims for partial ownership)

    Trademarks and Brands (prohibitions on fraudulent transfers within a geography).

    III. Kin and Interpersonal (Relationship) Property

    Mates (access to sex/reproduction)

    Children (genetic reproduction)

    Consanguineous Relations (tribal and family ties)

    IV Status and Class (reputation)

    Social Status

    Reputation

    V. Institutional (Community) Property

    (i) Institutional Property: “Those objects into which we have invested our forgone opportunities, our efforts, or our material assets, in order to aggregate capital from multiple individuals for mutual gain.”

    (ii)Informal (Normative) Institutions: Our norms: manners, ethics and morals. Informal institutional property is nearly impossible to quantify and price. The costs are subjective and consists of forgone opportunities.

    (iii)Formal (Procedural) Institutions: Our institutions: Religion (including the secular religion), Government, Laws. Formal institutional property is easy to price. costs are visible. And the productivity of the social order is at least marginally measurable.

    ECONOMICS

    We can judge economic impacts of high trust societies that practice near total prohibition on criminal, unethical and immoral actions. And we can compare those to low trust societies that suppress fewer unethical and immoral actions.

    CLOSING

    So under what reasoning, would it be logical to support the Non Aggression Principle under Intersubjectively verifiable property (NAP/IVP) as the basis for the law, which explicitly licenses unethical and immoral action and prohibits retribution for it?

    The NAP/IVP has been a detriment to liberty wherever advocates argue that it is a sufficient means of determining moral and legal rules of cooperation. Because it’s not.

    And we cannot pursue an alternative to the existing high trust society without providing people with an alternative that is morally SUPERIOR to the state. And the NAP/IVP fails that test.

    Curt Doolittle

    The Propertarian Institute

    Kiev.


    Source date (UTC): 2014-05-13 09:01:00 UTC

  • LIBERTARIANISM libertarian lih-ber-tair’-ee-un An individual who demonstrates a

    LIBERTARIANISM

    libertarian lih-ber-tair’-ee-un

    An individual who demonstrates a preference for one or more of the definitions of Libertarianism.

    Libertarianism lih-ber-tair’-ee-un-ih’-zum (noun)

    –“Roderick Long defines libertarianism as “any political position that advocates a radical redistribution of power from the coercive state to voluntary associations of free individuals”, whether “voluntary association” takes the form of the free market or of communal co-operatives.”—

    However, Rod Long’s definition, by using the term ‘voluntary association’ is imprecise because it does not contain the purpose or consequences of that allocation of property to individuals who can form voluntary associations. That purpose is that individuals can associate and voluntarily organize production in an expanding division of knowledge and labor, and that individuals contribute to production what they can, as they wish. Unless property is allocated to individuals, then the voluntary organization of production is impossible. And the voluntary adaptation of production to the multitudinous changes in scarcity and preference is impossible.

    CAUSES OF LIBERTARIAN PREFERENCES

    1) SENTIMENT: A sentiment giving precedence to individual liberty above the competing sentiments of care-taking and order — which are the respective priorities of left and right.

    2) POLITICAL BIAS: A range of political biases that express the precedence for liberty as the freedom from organized coercion through the minimization or elimination of monopolistic government — and therefore maximizing the self organizing civic virtues and norms.

    3) ECONOMIC BIAS: An economic philosophy that seeks to maximize human prosperity by increasing the opportunity for entrepreneurial trial and error by advocating the inviolability of individual property rights, free trade, and sound money.

    4) GENERAL POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY: A set of political philosophies which give liberty (freedom from coercion) the highest moral preference, over all other moral preferences, and seek to minimize both government and reduce or eliminate the state by distributing all property rights to individuals who then voluntarily organize production and distribution.

    5) INSTITUTIONAL FRAMEWORK: An framework of political institutions that seeks to replace the monopoly of the abstract state and its attendant bureaucracy with private formal institutions and public informal institutions that are subject to the pressures of market competition.

    i) Classical Liberalism – state, government of divided powers, and private property under common law.

    ii) Minimal Statism – minimum state and government and private property under common law

    iii) Private government – no state, private government, and private property under private law

    iv) Anarchy – no state, no government, and private property under common law.

    Each of these models relies upon an explicitly articulated political philosophy that reduces all rights to property rights, where property has been obtained by the processes of homesteading, manufacture, and voluntary exchange, which are necessary for peaceful human cooperation because they facilitate the emergence of a market for goods and services where prices convey information that we can use to determine our actions.

    These rights are enforced by some variation of the common law, and are inviolable and unalterable by the state or government. This leaves the function of government limited to the facilitation of investments in the commons, and the resolution of disputes between groups and classes.


    Source date (UTC): 2014-05-12 07:15:00 UTC

  • CONTRA KINSELLA ON AGGRESSION (I might as well just beat this horse until it’s r

    CONTRA KINSELLA ON AGGRESSION

    (I might as well just beat this horse until it’s really, really, dead.)

    Aggression that causes violence is determined empirically. The definition of Property that people treat as aggressed against is determined empirically. You don’t get to make stuff up. We are supposed to be the smart people you know?

    [kinsella]—“Libertarianism says that only aggression may be countered with force, that aggression is the only way to violate rights so that a forceful response is justified. Other rightful behavior, even if it is immoral or “bad,” is rightful so long as it is not aggression”— [kinsella]

    Yes, rothbardian libertarianism says that immoral and unethical actions are permissible and that you are forbidden from retaliating against people in court, and that you can be taken to court if you retaliate against immoral and unethical actions.

    Yes, rothbardian libertarianism legally authorizes immoral and unethical conduct. Yes, rothbardian libertarians prohibits retaliation for immoral and unethical conduct. Yes rothbardian libertarianism provides incentives to engage in immoral and unethical conduct. Because immoral and unethical actions allow profiting from unproductive professions that are parasitic to the polity. So yes, rothbardian ethics reflect the ethics of the low trust societies of the world. And in all low trust societies, the state is necessary as a suppressor of violence. That is why all low trust societies have strong central states: to suppress violence created by immoral and unethical actions that are non-productive, and which have no peaceful means of resolution other than violence.

    High trust societies force all profiting into the market where it is mutually beneficial. High trust societies force ALL competition into the market. They force all actions into PRODUCTIVE actions.

    It is ONLY high trust societies that have produced liberty. That is why only the formerly aristocratic nations possess liberty. Because through outbreeding and violence they forced all conflict into the market for goods and services, by prohibiting both criminal, unethical and immoral actions.

    Why have no low trust societies that employ the absence of moral and ethical standards ever formed?

    <sarcasm>

    OF COURSE I’M RIGHT.

    I know. You will get there. Or you will go to your grave whispering “I believe in NAP, I believe in NAP, I Believe in NAP” like any other good cult member.

    Sorry. Just how it is. Get over it. Abandon rothbardiansim as the failed program that it is: a pathetic attempt to pretend that cosmopolitanism was somehow a competitor to aristocratic egalitarianism.

    TIme for big boy shoes.

    You can do it if you try.

    <sarcasm/>

    PROPERTY IS DEFINED BY EMPIRICAL NOT RATIONAL MEANS

    If we define property as people ACT in high trust societies define property then yes it is a trespass. That is what I can’t seem to get across to you.

    Low trust = scarce property rights.

    High trust = lots of property rights.

    People flock TO high trust societies and AWAY from low trust societies.

    High trust = high velocity of trade and low demand for the state.

    Low trust = low velocity of trade and high demand for the state.

    It’s just the evidence. Nothing will change it. No matter how many canticles for rothbard you kneel for. No matter how much hand wringing that you muster.

    Jan lester was almost right. I”m right. This is how it is. Just time to deal with it.

    A voluntary polity is only POSSIBLE under suppression of immoral and unethical behavior via the common law, because people will not abandon or tolerate unethical behavior.

    2 mins · Like

    <sarcasam>

    So. Um. Like usual. I’m right. Yeah. Sorry. It must be painful.

    I kinda wish someone else had this job. You know? But it seems like it’s my civic duty to flush Rothbardian ethics into the toilet of phlogiston theories.

    <sarcasam/>


    Source date (UTC): 2014-05-11 16:26:00 UTC

  • FOUR LEGAL MODELS AND BLACKMAIL Given that necessary morality is objectively def

    FOUR LEGAL MODELS AND BLACKMAIL

    Given that necessary morality is objectively defined (in-group cooperation: the prohibition on free riding), and unnecessary moral rules are defined (in-group signals and rituals) and out-group cooperation is also defined (rothbardian ethics – the ethics of states) we can look at four possible permutations of representing the causes of criminal, ethical and moral in-group conflict under different legal prohibitions:

    1) ILLEGAL or LEGAL and NON-MORAL: If two people want to engage in blackmail, but the victim doesn’t want to prosecute, then there is no crime, because without a state there is no one else to make the claim of wrongdoing.

    2) ILLEGAL: If blackmail is illegal, because it is immoral, and the party wants to sue, he can.

    3) LEGAL: If it is not illegal but it is immoral, then the victim has no other recourse but violence.

    I do not see how one can claim innocence if one aggresses via blackmail, then is murdered for his aggression.

    4) MINIMUM LEGAL SCOPE, FREEDOM OUTSIDE THAT SCOPE. So that means the fourth scenario is that violence is of course always available as a means of settling unethical and immoral conflicts. So the law can only be used for rothbardian levels of conflict (crime) and violence remains available for unethical and immoral actions.

    Cheers.


    Source date (UTC): 2014-05-11 13:17:00 UTC

  • Dear government. We aren’t cooperating any longer. You and me, I mean. You aren’

    Dear government.

    We aren’t cooperating any longer.

    You and me, I mean.

    You aren’t helping us cooperate.

    Me and my fellow man, I mean.

    Instead, you put us into conflict.

    Then you tax and fine me,

    For resolving a conflict,

    That you created.

    And so many conflicts,

    and so many fees,

    That, now you’re farming me.

    Like a farm animal.

    Like a slave.

    So, sorry.

    The deal is off.

    I withdraw my consent.

    I take back my right of violence.

    I take back my sovereignty.

    I know what you think:

    I have no choice.

    And, we have no choice.

    But we do.

    We have a bunch of choices:

    Some of us will leave.

    Some of us will check out.

    Some of us will just ride it out

    Some of us will rebel.

    Some of us will depose you.

    And some of us will kill you.

    The virtuous use of violence.

    A return to rule of law.

    A return to liberty.

    A return to nobility.

    A return to aristocracy.

    The love of liberty.

    The cult of sovereignty.

    The religion of non-submission.

    The government of law not men.

    One has freedom of his own choosing.

    Or one merely has permission.

    Welcome to the new revolution.


    Source date (UTC): 2014-05-11 10:31:00 UTC

  • “NONE OF US IS A POLITICAL ISLAND.” —“I’ve heard many say they don’t believe t

    “NONE OF US IS A POLITICAL ISLAND.”

    —“I’ve heard many say they don’t believe the government should create and enforce laws that require certain actions be taken, such as for personal safety, general public safety, and reduction in personal injuries and resulting lawsuits, etc….I’m not going to say every Libertarian is like this, but I’ve heard this kind of thinking from such adherents a few times. I personally don’t agree with political ideals that treat each person as a practical island. A diverse, highly interconnected and fluid society cannot function that way, and I think it would probably end up being economically inefficient and unhealthy, ethical considerations aside. Of course, Libertarianism is more complex than that one issue, but it’s one that I disagree with in particular”— Athena (From Quora)

    That’s right Athena. None of us is an island. Even Crusoe got to his via boat. 😉

    Unfortunately, there are foolish people in every political philosophy. Libertarianism is not immune, any more than is progressivism or conservatism is immune.

    Unfortunately, once ignorant, socially incompetent, intellectual adolescents here the term “non-aggression principle” they apply this ideological hammer to everything that looks vaguely like a nail; the same way progressives use equality, diversity, and racism; and the same way that conservatives use meritocracy.

    All three points on the political triangle advocate their priorities over those of the other two. Progressives advocate nurture, caretaking, and prevention of harm and all but ignore social capital and liberty. Conservatives advocate the accumulation of social and behavioral capital equally with liberty and caretaking. And libertarians advocate liberty at the expense of caretaking and social capital.

    Libertarians place higher moral weight on liberty than the other groups do. And as such, their political preferences take on the name that represents that preference: Libertarianism.

    Libertarianism is an evolutionary extension of Classical Liberalism. Classical Liberalism is likewise a revision of Greek Political philosophy. Both of which are the result of unique european preference for sovereignty (aristocracy).

    Unlike all other world political traditions, which attempt to concentrate and manage the limits of power. Classical liberal institutions rely upon the balance of powers and consent among those powers. This reflects the european ancient prohibition on monopoly of political power. The prohibition against tyranny.

    Chieftains, Kings, Presidents are judges and administrators, empowered to resolve and prevent conflicts by the ascent of their peers (other nobles – which should be translated as ‘business owners’ because that’s what farmers and craftsmen who are heads of families are).

    The libertarian intellectual research program seeks to totally eliminate the coercive power of government, while at the same time providing the institutional, organizational, and procedural means by which people can cooperate and prosper, without the bureaucracy, corruption, self interest that results from monopoly bureaucracy and political representation.

    Now, Rothbardian Libertarianism, which copies the ethics of the Jewish ghetto, advocates Anarchy – no government at all, calls itself ‘Libertarianism’ in a linguistic attempt to claim the they are the sole proponents of the preference for liberty. A fact which frustrates the other ‘libertarian’ factions, who are more intellectually honest.

    While Classical Liberal libertarians may prefer something between… “Private Government” that resembles Lichtenstein, the small germanic states prior to German unification, or most clearly, the English model of layers of private government we call constitutional monarchy, but which is merely a continuation of ancient anglo saxon methods of government.

    So, continuing the tradition that makes use of the separation of powers and the prohibition on bureaucracy and professional politicians, libertarians divide the functions of government into different institutions.

    Technically speaking there is only one necessary institution of government: The common law. All other political institutions are not necessary, put preferences. Some libertarians would prefer to limit government to this one function, and other libertarians would like to make use of all of the functions I list below.

    NECESSARY INSTITUTIONS

    (1) Law: judges (courts) which adjudicate differences (conflicts) based upon just one universal law of private property and the common law, and naturally evolve the common law as was historically practiced by judges. Under this common law, everyone has universal ‘standing’ so members of corporations, politicians and bureaucrats who are today insulated from law suits by a requirement for ‘standing’ would not be, nor would those special privileges for government employees exist. Instead, people who care could control companies and other organizations both with market pressure AND with legal pressure.

    *The conflict over the definition of property.*

    Now some libertarians (the ones that most likely seem immoral (because they are), suggest that the definition of property is that which we can both verify by our own senses: our bodies and the stuff we know we own: IVP (Intersubjectively verifiable property). These are the people that obsess over the term NAP (the non-aggression-principle).

    While the NAP and IVP (NAP/IVP) are sufficient criteria for ethical relations between states, the NAP/IVP limits you to prohibitions on theft and violence. But this leaves open all the unethical and immoral behavior that all societies prohibit of their members.

    So for all intents and purposes, NAP/IVP legally institutionalizes permission for immoral and unethical behavior like scams and every other possible means of deception and criminal behavior. ie: it’s the ethics of the ghetto.

    The rest of us who are NOT observers of the NAP/IVP and therefore not members of the ever-present vocal minority of Rothbardian ghetto-libertarians, have been trying to distance ourselves from these ‘thin libertarians’, or ‘immoral-tarians’ or as the conservatives call them ‘aspie-tarians’, who are busy advocating Rothbardian Ghetto Ethics.

    The movements that distance themselves from such are called ‘thick’ libertarians who intuit, feel, think, believe, or what have you, that the NAP/IVP Rothbardian Ghetto Ethics are insufficient criteria for the formation of a polity whose members possess liberty.

    Some of these people are banded together into the “Bleeding Heart Libertarians”. The BHL’s do not have a plan. they just know that Rothbardian Ghetto Ethics are somehow not right. The criticism of BHL’s is that they don’t have a plan, and that any solution they talk about simply expands the state further.

    Others want to make use of private institutions to provide public services wherever possible. Some other people (on my side of the fence) are fairly rigorous and extend property rights to all those things that people act as if are a form of property, and therefore allow us all to adjudicate our disputes in court without the need for a third party. This is a very simple solution to a very difficult problem.

    Other people want to return to the past – which isn’t going to happen unless we reinvent the church, treat it as an independent wing of the government, and return most domestic social services to control of that branch of government. (This is not a crazy idea really, since it’s that set of services that have expanded most and consume most of the budget, and the failure to separate that service from the commercial functions of government has probably led to our current state of conflict.)

    PREFERENTIAL INSTITUTIONS

    (2) REGULATION/INSURANCE: The purpose of regulation is to prevent harm, particularly irreversible harm, and to use the polity as the insurer of last resort. To accomplish regulation, the libertarian preference, rather than reliance on a monopoly bureaucracy, is to use competing insurance companies.

    (Now, before you run away with criticisms, you’d have to understand how rigorous libertarian theory is on this topic. How universal standing, universal personal accountability, affect this. Today you cannot easily sue the guy who sold the poor family next door a cable plan that made them debt slaves, but under libertarian law you could. So people who want to ‘do good’ in the world would be able to, and not dependent upon approval of bureaucrats for it.)

    3) COMMONS: Developing all the infrastructure that we need and desire. Some infrastructure is necessary for competitive survival, some is preferential, and some is a luxury. However, it must be possible to construct commons, even if they are constructed by private firms.

    Most libertarians would deny this and state that commons are the responsibility of private parties, otherwise we get into taxation.

    Most libertarian solutions suggest we vote our tax dollars to those things that we really want ourselves over the internet, sort of how we run auctions on Kickstarter.

    Others suggest that we use a lottocracy (people are randomly selected like juries and proposals are put in front of them and they choose which ones.) The idea is to eliminate politicians who are open to special interest groups.

    (4) CHARITY: Most libertarians want a return to the civil society where people conduct charity personally, and where it is the defacto ‘job’ of a lot of people to administer it. I think those of us who are a bit more institutionally creative, see five or six solutions to the problem of charity. (I’m going to address this later because I’m running out of time.)

    5) CREDIT: borrowing money on behalf of the populace for the production of commons. Most libertarians would argue that if a population can print its own money then it is doomed, however, I won’t address that argument here.

    6) DEFENSE. (Not much to say here that isn’t obvious) Other than that under fifth generation warfare (what terrorists do) our ancient tradition of forming a militia, and training it under the Swiss model is probably the most effective military with the least international intervention we can come up with. Our current model doesn’t work well. And it will just get worse.

    Others have demonstrated how to create private firms that provide defense, however, history has told us that such groups never are effective compared to an armed citizenry.

    At present, nuclear weapons are an insurance policy and a necessary one. One’s freedom of self determination probably depends upon possession of nuclear weapons.

    CLOSING

    I hope this is somewhat helpful. My main purpose is not to enumerate all possible libertarian institutional solutions, although If I had a little more time I’d do that since I think the internet community would actually like that. It’s to (a) position the ‘everything is a nail’ Rothbardian’s as what they are – the passionate lunatic wing of liberty; (b) outline the underlying problem we’re trying to solve as the elimination of monopoly bureaucracy that always accumulates to the point of predation tyranny and failure; (c) show that we have thought (a lot) about how to continue the western tradition of divided government as a defense against tyranny, and that we have some solutions to it – most of which rely on just expanding the methods of our ancestors.

    Affections.

    Curt Doolittle

    The Propertarian Institute

    Kiev.


    Source date (UTC): 2014-05-11 10:23:00 UTC

  • BASIC INFANTRY KNOWLEDGE – OR STAYING ALIVE FOR THE CAUSE Dear Ukrainian and Syr

    BASIC INFANTRY KNOWLEDGE – OR STAYING ALIVE FOR THE CAUSE

    Dear Ukrainian and Syrian friends.

    There is a difference between ‘cover’ and ‘concealment’.

    Concealment is something that prevents an enemy from seeing you, or at least from seeing you completely. Things that could commonly be used as cover include the walls of normal wood frame houses, trees and foliage or car bodies. Cover just prevents you from being seen. It offers no protection from being SHOT.

    Cover is something that prevents an enemy from (easily) shooting you. Unfortunately, cover is actually pretty rare in the world. Most things we think might stop bullets wont. You can be shot through most block and mud walls built cheaply in the third world. A bullet will pass through a tree two feet thick and kill you. You can shoot through nice plates of steel as if it’s cardboard. The best cover in the world is a wall of reinforced concrete with a triple layer of sandbags behind it, but we don’t see that very often. What will stop a bullet? Piles of dirt are the best, and a firing position in a ditch, depression or behind a hill is great. Next to that, SOLID concrete or brick walls are good, as are the engine compartments of vehicles (especially large trucks.) Standard brick walls are okay as are large trees (two feet plus). Beware, because things will “break down” after being hit with many rounds. It is absurdly easy to just shoot through a concrete wall or saw a tree in half with not very many rounds.

    Now, you know, a spot to shoot from is equally as scarce. SO when you feel all manly shooting at nothing, all you are doing is giving away your position. And so the spot you just shot from is ‘used’. It means “shoot here”. So every time you use a spot to take a shot, you have to go find a different one.

    You see, the smart guy is lying somewhere in the dark, without any light behind him, where he can see down an entire street, and where there is behind some cover. From that bit of safety he’s waiting for a ‘sucker’. So a few of his friends shoot at your position to bait you into puffing your chest, and sticking your head out of the same spot the second time, and – poof. You’re dead.

    Just because you can’t see them, doesn’t mean they can’t see you.

    I hope that helps. Because the daily stream of videos in my inbox where some guy gets shot because he was firing OVER a wall providing only CONCEALMENT rather than AROUND a wall, from behind COVER is really depressing.

    BTW: Americans come at night, in the dark. The dark is awesome concealment.

    Thanks. Yeah. I know. It won’t do any good. It’s just cathartic.


    Source date (UTC): 2014-05-08 17:26:00 UTC

  • ARE SLOW AS SNAILS BUT THEY FINALLY GET THERE

    http://www.kyivpost.com/content/ukraine/ukrainians-form-militias-to-defend-nation-against-chaos-346813.htmlUKRAINIANS ARE SLOW AS SNAILS BUT THEY FINALLY GET THERE


    Source date (UTC): 2014-05-07 16:18:00 UTC

  • Arm the Ukrainians with small arms. Give them one nuke. Cut russia out of wire t

    Arm the Ukrainians with small arms.

    Give them one nuke.

    Cut russia out of wire transfer system.

    Cut russia out of visa mastercard amex system.

    Cut russia out of the internet.

    Close all wester airports to Russian airlines, and airlines that are owned by countries that do not also comply.

    Ban all Russian goods.

    Dump all rubles.

    Cancel all debts to russia.

    Sieze all russian assets.

    Compensate losers with those assets.

    There is plenty one can do.


    Source date (UTC): 2014-05-06 15:54:00 UTC