Theme: Civilization

  • (A Lament On Intellectual History) You know, I’m openly critical of Rationalism

    (A Lament On Intellectual History)

    You know, I’m openly critical of Rationalism whether Continental or Cosmopolitan. And I am not only critical but hostile to what I see as Rothbard’s cosmopolitan libertine immorality of the low trust society.

    But, those fairly technical criticisms aside (that few grasp anyway), if you spend a decade or more trying to understand the political theory extant throughout history; ethics and morality throughout history; our brief history of economics; and finally Hoppe’s articulation of political, moral and ethical arguments as reducible to property rights and incentives (and my arguments that property rights are positive assertions of the negative prohibition against parasitism), then it becomes clear, once you have exhausted the thought in all those fields, that outside of this Hoppeian technique by which we conduct behavioral, criminal, ethical, moral, political inquiry, that it really is a backward and barren wasteland out there of little but psychologizing and justification with little contribution to our understanding except the odd insight here and there throughout history.

    And that is both inspiring, in that Hoppe constructed it, and depressing that it takes half a lifetime to understand that nearly all else is little more than essays justifying subjective preferences necessary to assist in the accumulation of power, and little else.

    Our field is not exactly populated by great thinkers. But then, we cannot claim that political theory has often been populated by great thinkers. Moralism and psychologism are persuasive, and easily understood. But until we discover the universal morality of fully informed, warrantied, voluntary exchange free of negative externality, and fully articulated property rights correspondent to the current division of knowledge and labor, all statements in Politics, crime, ethics and morality are merely opinions, and NOT CALCULATIONS.

    However, once we possess such knowledge, all human action can be reduced to calculations whose truth propositions are ascertainable, and subjective preference left aside – at least to the same arbitrary precision that constrains all general rules. Groups may choose to allocate their individual property rights as they see fit, for the purposes of more effective cooperation, but this does not alter the basic premise that politics, ethics and morality are no longer open to subjective interpretation but are reduced to calculations with the same degree of precision as any other of the formal logics.

    I say this only because, frankly, it’s depressing that classical liberal philosophy through Hayek is discussed psychologically rather than calculative. And it is almost impossible to debate with members outside of the very narrow Anarcho Capitalist community. And even in the AC community the desire of individuals is to argue not in the calculative sense, but moralistically and psychologically – if not via rather childish applications of marxist critique.

    Ideology may sell. It may make a good meme. But the fundamental difference in this line of inquiry is our ability to calculate using constant categories, rather than rationalize across incommensurable ones. And that is one of the primary reasons why I am against rationalism: it is a vehicle, and always has been, for obscurantism, overloading, loading and framing. Whereas operational definitions (descriptions) and propertarian calculations are immune to obscurantism, overloading, loading and framing. Overloading, framing, loading and obscurantism are part and parcel of Rationalism.

    Unfortunately we cannot often resist the impulse to moralize, psychologize, critique, and engage in loading, framing and overloading – it’s all just elaborate weaponized gossip – and we evolved to make constant use of it. And so reason easily falls victim to it. And only calculation, laundered of all such sentiments, is free of it.

    We have it. We are the only ones who do. But we rarely use it. And it’s an intellectual wasteland out there without it.


    Source date (UTC): 2014-09-13 16:31:00 UTC

  • yes. But then, WW1 isn’t over yet. We have to re-nationalize liberalism, and aba

    http://news.yahoo.com/pope-says-worlds-many-conflicts-amount-piecemeal-world-104917232.htmlWell, yes. But then, WW1 isn’t over yet. We have to re-nationalize liberalism, and abandon universalism if we want to avoid world war.


    Source date (UTC): 2014-09-13 07:36:00 UTC

  • WHIG HISTORY AND WHIG MORALITY —The historian Piers Brendon asserts that Burke

    WHIG HISTORY AND WHIG MORALITY

    —The historian Piers Brendon asserts that Burke laid the moral foundations for the British Empire, epitomized in the trial of Warren Hastings, that was ultimately to be its undoing: when Burke stated that “The British Empire must be governed on a plan of freedom, for it will be governed by no other”, this was “…an ideological bacillus that would prove fatal. It was Edmund Burke’s paternalistic doctrine that colonial government was a trust. Colonial Government was to be so exercised for the benefit of subject people that they would eventually attain their birthright—freedom”. As a consequence of this opinion, Burke objected to the opium trade, which he called a “smuggling adventure” and condemned “the great Disgrace of the British character in India”.—


    Source date (UTC): 2014-09-09 20:03:00 UTC

  • Sean Gabb: THOUGHTS ON INDEPENDENCE —“…dissolution would, of necessity, end

    Sean Gabb: THOUGHTS ON INDEPENDENCE

    —“…dissolution would, of necessity, end the pernicious delusion of Britain as a great power in the world. We lost our hegemonic position in the 1940s. But our rulers have never lost their belief that, if we only suck up hard enough to the Americans, and keep up our membership dues to the right international bodies, we can somehow “punch above our weight.” A rational policy after 1945 would have focussed all effort on the defence of our home islands and the maintenance of our commercial and industrial position. No longer what we became after 1760, we needed to relearn how we had conducted ourselves before then [before the age of empire]. Instead, our ruling class chose three generations of self-deception. …

    Ending the United Kingdom will end this [self deception]. England by itself will remain both rich and powerful. But there will be no more playing the ghost of the British Empire sitting enthroned on the grave thereof. It will be an end welcome to us and to those elsewhere in the world we remain able to hurt without being able to rule.”—

    Well said. I have the same objective for the States. If Scotland can secede, then so can Texas or any other justifiably secede, and we can end anglo imperialism and the universalism that both anglos and jews advocate, returning liberty to national rather than corporate and commercial purposes.

    Curt Doolittle

    The Propertarian Institute

    Kiev, Ukraine


    Source date (UTC): 2014-09-09 15:22:00 UTC

  • Max, Exceptionally good articles “The End Of Politics (1 and 2)”. Particularly t

    Max,

    Exceptionally good articles “The End Of Politics (1 and 2)”. Particularly the lists, and the insights into the potential changes in culture that increase the chance of general appreciation of liberty. Its optimistic, and I hope you are right. On the other hand, we westerners are unique in the world in our total discount of the family, and we are rapidly outbred by those groups that either do not discount the family, or who have effectively weaponized the family and/or tribe as a competitive evolutionary strategy. And as Emmanuel Todd has argued, our lack of familialism is a competitive weakness in constructing society, even if has been a legal, commercial and political advantage in the past, when we have acted tribally (as christendom). So my expectation, despite my preferences, is that we will either see the re-nationalization of liberalism, or a constant reduction in trust that takes us ever more toward familialism and ever farther from anarchism. As such, I question instead, what institutions foster liberty under familial and tribal conditions. If liberty is at all possible, and competitively desirable under familialism and tribalism.

    Thanks again for writing something worthy of reading in the liberty movement.

    Curt Doolittle

    The Propertarian Institute

    Kiev Ukraine


    Source date (UTC): 2014-09-09 10:42:00 UTC

  • Untitled

    http://thelibertarianalliance.com/2014/09/03/the-white-liberal-fantasy-collides-head-on-with-the-reality-of-islam/


    Source date (UTC): 2014-09-04 18:41:00 UTC

  • MORAL BASIS OF A BACKWARD SOCIETY – RUSSIA ENDS THE INTERREGNUM

    http://www.the-american-interest.com/shevtsova/2014/08/28/putin-ends-the-interregnum/THE MORAL BASIS OF A BACKWARD SOCIETY – RUSSIA ENDS THE INTERREGNUM


    Source date (UTC): 2014-08-30 00:35:00 UTC

  • “Chivalry: The Religion of Honor. Given priority over all other forms of culture

    “Chivalry: The Religion of Honor. Given priority over all other forms of culture.”


    Source date (UTC): 2014-08-27 14:45:00 UTC

  • Simpletons


    [P]eople who live in tents, ride animals, and shepherd other animals, talk about beliefs. People with fixed capital, who live in castles talk about laws. There is a reason for that.

    When you ask people to value something that’s an informal institution we call belief.

    When you tell people that property is a rule that you cannot violate, that’s a formal institution we call law.

    The first is religion. The second is government.

    Is your brand of liberty for goatherds living in tents (religion) that requires belief, or for engineers, builders and craftsmen, (government) that requires laws?

    People who live in tents have very simple property. They need very simple laws.

    Liberty in modernity isn’t for simpletons.

    Try not to think like one.

  • Simpletons


    [P]eople who live in tents, ride animals, and shepherd other animals, talk about beliefs. People with fixed capital, who live in castles talk about laws. There is a reason for that.

    When you ask people to value something that’s an informal institution we call belief.

    When you tell people that property is a rule that you cannot violate, that’s a formal institution we call law.

    The first is religion. The second is government.

    Is your brand of liberty for goatherds living in tents (religion) that requires belief, or for engineers, builders and craftsmen, (government) that requires laws?

    People who live in tents have very simple property. They need very simple laws.

    Liberty in modernity isn’t for simpletons.

    Try not to think like one.