1 Plato: Republic 2 Aristotle: Nicomachean Ethics 3 Lucretius: On the Nature of the Universe 4 Sextus Empiricus: Outlines of Pyrrhonism 5 Plotinus: The Enneads 6 Augustine: City of God 7 Anselm: Proslogion 8 Aquinas: Summa Theologiae 9 Duns Scotus: Ordinatio 10 William of Ockham: Summa Logicae 1 René Descartes: Meditations on First Philosophy 2 Baruch Spinoza: Ethics 3 G. W. Leibniz: Monadology 4 Thomas Hobbes: Leviathan 5 John Locke: An Essay concerning Human Understanding 6 George Berkeley: A Treatise Concerning the Principles of Human Knowledge 7 David Hume: A Treatise of Human Nature 8 Jean-Jacques Rousseau: The Social Contract 1 Immanuel Kant: Critique of Pure Reason 2 Johann Gottlieb Fichte: Foundations of the Entire Science of Knowledge 3 G. W. F. Hegel: Phenomenology of Spirit 4 Arthur Schopenhauer: The World as Will and Representation 5 John Stuart Mill: On Liberty 6 Søren Kierkegaard: Philosophical Fragments 7 Karl Marx: Capital 8 Friedrich Nietzsche: The Genealogy of Morals 1. G. E. Moore: Principia Ethica 2. Edmund Husserl: The Idea of Phenomenology 3. William James: Pragmatism: A New Name for Some Old Ways of Thinking 4. Ludwig Wittgenstein: Tractatus Logico-Philosophicus 5. Martin Heidegger: Being and Time 6. Rudolf Carnap: The Logical Structure of the World 7. Bertrand Russell: An Inquiry into Meaning and Truth 8. Jean-Paul Sartre: Being and Nothingness 9. Maurice Merleau-Ponty: Phenomenology of Perception 10. A. J. Ayer Language, Truth and Logic 11. Gilbert Ryle: The Concept of Mind 12. Ludwig Wittgenstein: Philosophical Investigations 13. Karl Popper: The Logic of Scientific Discovery 1.W. V. Quine: Word and Object 2. P. F. Strawson: Individuals 3. John Rawls: A Theory of Justice 4. Robert Nozick: Anarchy, State, and Utopia 5. Michael Dummett: Truth and Other Enigmas 6. Richard Rorty: Philosophy and the Mirror of Nature 7. Donald Davidson: Essays on Actions and Events 8. Saul Kripke: Naming and Necessity 9. Hilary Putnam: Reason, Truth and History 10. Bernard Williams: Ethics and the Limits of Philosophy 11. Thomas Nagel: The View From Nowhere 12. David Lewis: On the Plurality of Worlds 13. Charles Taylor: Sources of the Self 14. John McDowell: Mind and World
Form: Excerpt
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The Central Works of Philosophy: John Shand’s List
1 Plato: Republic 2 Aristotle: Nicomachean Ethics 3 Lucretius: On the Nature of the Universe 4 Sextus Empiricus: Outlines of Pyrrhonism 5 Plotinus: The Enneads 6 Augustine: City of God 7 Anselm: Proslogion 8 Aquinas: Summa Theologiae 9 Duns Scotus: Ordinatio 10 William of Ockham: Summa Logicae 1 René Descartes: Meditations on First Philosophy 2 Baruch Spinoza: Ethics 3 G. W. Leibniz: Monadology 4 Thomas Hobbes: Leviathan 5 John Locke: An Essay concerning Human Understanding 6 George Berkeley: A Treatise Concerning the Principles of Human Knowledge 7 David Hume: A Treatise of Human Nature 8 Jean-Jacques Rousseau: The Social Contract 1 Immanuel Kant: Critique of Pure Reason 2 Johann Gottlieb Fichte: Foundations of the Entire Science of Knowledge 3 G. W. F. Hegel: Phenomenology of Spirit 4 Arthur Schopenhauer: The World as Will and Representation 5 John Stuart Mill: On Liberty 6 Søren Kierkegaard: Philosophical Fragments 7 Karl Marx: Capital 8 Friedrich Nietzsche: The Genealogy of Morals 1. G. E. Moore: Principia Ethica 2. Edmund Husserl: The Idea of Phenomenology 3. William James: Pragmatism: A New Name for Some Old Ways of Thinking 4. Ludwig Wittgenstein: Tractatus Logico-Philosophicus 5. Martin Heidegger: Being and Time 6. Rudolf Carnap: The Logical Structure of the World 7. Bertrand Russell: An Inquiry into Meaning and Truth 8. Jean-Paul Sartre: Being and Nothingness 9. Maurice Merleau-Ponty: Phenomenology of Perception 10. A. J. Ayer Language, Truth and Logic 11. Gilbert Ryle: The Concept of Mind 12. Ludwig Wittgenstein: Philosophical Investigations 13. Karl Popper: The Logic of Scientific Discovery 1.W. V. Quine: Word and Object 2. P. F. Strawson: Individuals 3. John Rawls: A Theory of Justice 4. Robert Nozick: Anarchy, State, and Utopia 5. Michael Dummett: Truth and Other Enigmas 6. Richard Rorty: Philosophy and the Mirror of Nature 7. Donald Davidson: Essays on Actions and Events 8. Saul Kripke: Naming and Necessity 9. Hilary Putnam: Reason, Truth and History 10. Bernard Williams: Ethics and the Limits of Philosophy 11. Thomas Nagel: The View From Nowhere 12. David Lewis: On the Plurality of Worlds 13. Charles Taylor: Sources of the Self 14. John McDowell: Mind and World
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(for archiving) Running is a very efficient form of energy expenditure and if yo
(for archiving)
Running is a very efficient form of energy expenditure and if you don’t overdo it, you won’t hurt yourself very easily. You can get the same value out of hiking or walking at the cost of increasing time at exercise. So running is just efficient. But it works the same muscle groups and it actually can make you injury prone unless its over uneven terrain. (Spoken as someone who spent a year taping his feet to recover from plantar fascia injuries.)
One of the reasons that the military has always focused on marching twenty miles or more with gear is to build up minor muscles, build cardio, pulmonary, liver, and kidney efficiency, is that it’s makes you exhausted, but exposes you to little risk of injury. Moreover it depletes your brain and combined with surprise commands, teaches you how to function ‘explosively’ on demand even when you are cognitively impaired. If you look at the special forces guys they are athletes not weight lifters. It is far easier to pass endurance stress while retaining mental discipline – which is the test of special forces – if you are able to perform while physically and cognitively depleted.
The problem is fitness vs bulk. The bigger you get the more calories, oxygen, cardio, and pulmonary you need, and you generally lose the most important ‘aryan’ advantages: speed, agility, and endurance (ooda loops).
As far as I know complex motions like ‘rolling that big industrial tire’, chopping wood, crawling across grass or swimming, and climbing trees and ladders, all produce the best overall fitness without damage. (I have only had injuries lifting weights, because it is very easy to ‘overdo’ it on minor muscles with )
However, if you are careful and just lift a few heavy things a few times a week, plus walk a bit, you can achieve almost all of the good. So, weight decreases time.
Unfortunately, those of us with asthma face a constant challenge. Even though I was the fastest sprinter in my class in grade school I have never been able to run distances. I can hike at fairly good pace now that I’m no longer seriously ill, and I can walk pretty much forever. And I can get away with a sprint. But lifting has become almost unbearable. When it was, for most of my life, my favorite way of staying fit. The most fit I have ever been is working an office job, using a simple barbell set at home before work. I naturally walk around a lot, even if writing. The big decline in my fitness was my long struggle with my health. When I tried crossfit while still carrying cancer around, I seriously thought it would die.
It is non trivial to function competitively while deprived of sleep, water, food, while physically and mentally exhausted, hot or cold, and stressed from the possibility of being killed by a bullet at distance.
Source date (UTC): 2017-04-28 17:32:00 UTC
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Joel Davis on Deflationary Government
By John Dow The enforcers (sovereigns) produce law, and as a consequence, markets. The taxpayers (subjects) use the markets, under the law, as consumers of market goods, services, and information. I would advocate a constitution as a contract of mutually enforced recipriocity (justice) between enforcers. I would advocate the enforcers appoint a supreme justice (or supreme court of justices) as supreme authorities on the application of the constitution. I would advocate the enforcers appoint a governor-general (president) as supreme commander (chief executive) of the enforcers. And, I would advocate a senate to represent them in negotiations with other sovereigns (foreign policy), and with their customers (taxpayers) who I would advocate have their own house of representatives they elect to negotiate on their behalf with the enforcer elected senate (economic policy).
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Joel Davis on Deflationary Government
By John Dow The enforcers (sovereigns) produce law, and as a consequence, markets. The taxpayers (subjects) use the markets, under the law, as consumers of market goods, services, and information. I would advocate a constitution as a contract of mutually enforced recipriocity (justice) between enforcers. I would advocate the enforcers appoint a supreme justice (or supreme court of justices) as supreme authorities on the application of the constitution. I would advocate the enforcers appoint a governor-general (president) as supreme commander (chief executive) of the enforcers. And, I would advocate a senate to represent them in negotiations with other sovereigns (foreign policy), and with their customers (taxpayers) who I would advocate have their own house of representatives they elect to negotiate on their behalf with the enforcer elected senate (economic policy).
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The Information Content of Violence
by Eli Harman It’s an article of faith among many libertarians that violence, and particularly aggressive violence, is necessarily negative sum. Prices contain information and markets broker them (in a subjective utility maximising way.) Violence only short circuits that, disrupts markets, destroy price signals, and makes everyone worse off. But this is not correct. In the first place, market transactions aren’t necessarily positive sum. If they are fraudulent or create negative externalities for those not party, they can be negative sum. And in the second place, violence is itself a signal, and transmits information. A threat expresses a subjective evaluation just as an offer does in the marketplace. “Hey, don’t do that or we’re going to fight.” And the initiation of hostilities demonstrates the authenticity of that information just as a payment does in the marketplace. One undertakes real cost, and real risk, in resorting to violence. (In contrast, whining, and playing the victim DO NOT demonstrate the authenticity of grievances in the way that resorting to violence does, and so are liable and likely to prove negative sum, if indulged, just as theft is liable and likely to prove negative sum, in the marketplace, because it does not make a sufficient demonstration and exchange of value.) Markets and prices on the one hand, and violence and threats on the other, are both necessary components to a stable, functional, and efficient society and economy. To suppress either wholly in favor of the other, would be to forego the benefits they offer, and to pervert incentives towards destructive outcomes. No society which does either will be able to compete, long term, against one which makes a more sensible tradeoff between them, making best use of information supplied by both exchange and conflict. Violence is the means of expressing the subjective evaluations not captured by price signals, which are as vast and varied as those which are.
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The Information Content of Violence
by Eli Harman It’s an article of faith among many libertarians that violence, and particularly aggressive violence, is necessarily negative sum. Prices contain information and markets broker them (in a subjective utility maximising way.) Violence only short circuits that, disrupts markets, destroy price signals, and makes everyone worse off. But this is not correct. In the first place, market transactions aren’t necessarily positive sum. If they are fraudulent or create negative externalities for those not party, they can be negative sum. And in the second place, violence is itself a signal, and transmits information. A threat expresses a subjective evaluation just as an offer does in the marketplace. “Hey, don’t do that or we’re going to fight.” And the initiation of hostilities demonstrates the authenticity of that information just as a payment does in the marketplace. One undertakes real cost, and real risk, in resorting to violence. (In contrast, whining, and playing the victim DO NOT demonstrate the authenticity of grievances in the way that resorting to violence does, and so are liable and likely to prove negative sum, if indulged, just as theft is liable and likely to prove negative sum, in the marketplace, because it does not make a sufficient demonstration and exchange of value.) Markets and prices on the one hand, and violence and threats on the other, are both necessary components to a stable, functional, and efficient society and economy. To suppress either wholly in favor of the other, would be to forego the benefits they offer, and to pervert incentives towards destructive outcomes. No society which does either will be able to compete, long term, against one which makes a more sensible tradeoff between them, making best use of information supplied by both exchange and conflict. Violence is the means of expressing the subjective evaluations not captured by price signals, which are as vast and varied as those which are.
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The Folly of our Guilt
by Bob Moran We’ve built societies where slavery is counter-productive (or at least much less efficient than the alternatives), but it doesn’t mean it’s never a valuable choice given some the circumstances. Just like high trust, the lack of slavery is part of our privileges. And yet, we are getting guilt tripped for what we built for ourselves and to a certain extent given to others. High trust: You’re mean because you don’t trust me like your own. –> Why don’t you have high trust societies? Why should we trust you? Wealth: You’re mean because you don’t give me the same stuff as your own. –> Why are you poor? Citizenship: You’re mean because you don’t give me the same rights as your own. –> Why are your laws retarded and corrupted? Land/Conquest: You’re mean because you took land / you don’t give me land –> Why couldn’t you hold land? Why can’t you take it? Slavery : You’re mean because you don’t (didn’t) treat me like your own. –> Did you prove we could? Did you enslave each other to be sold to ou
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The Folly of our Guilt
by Bob Moran We’ve built societies where slavery is counter-productive (or at least much less efficient than the alternatives), but it doesn’t mean it’s never a valuable choice given some the circumstances. Just like high trust, the lack of slavery is part of our privileges. And yet, we are getting guilt tripped for what we built for ourselves and to a certain extent given to others. High trust: You’re mean because you don’t trust me like your own. –> Why don’t you have high trust societies? Why should we trust you? Wealth: You’re mean because you don’t give me the same stuff as your own. –> Why are you poor? Citizenship: You’re mean because you don’t give me the same rights as your own. –> Why are your laws retarded and corrupted? Land/Conquest: You’re mean because you took land / you don’t give me land –> Why couldn’t you hold land? Why can’t you take it? Slavery : You’re mean because you don’t (didn’t) treat me like your own. –> Did you prove we could? Did you enslave each other to be sold to ou
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Untitled
http://jasss.soc.surrey.ac.uk/16/3/7.html#pq=ldp5Zw
Source date (UTC): 2017-04-19 11:41:00 UTC