Category: Law, Constitution, and Jurisprudence

  • “Curt, What Is Your Stance On IP?”

    QUESTION: “Hello Curt. What’s your stance on IP especially taking Kinsella’s arguments into account?” (Derogatory reference to Kinsella’s personality edited out. – Ed.) ANSWER: [I]n the abstract I agree with the principle that easily accessible licenses for limited monopolies are not beneficial for consumers. However, that rational argument may or may not mean much in practice. 1) IP does appear to rapidly affect business willingness to invest. So, just like property rights exclude people from commons to facilitate the willingness to take risks, IP excludes people from opportunities in order to facilitate the willingness of individuals to take risks. So empirically speaking and rationally speaking, these are trade-off questions not matters of truth and falsehood. 2) Humans don’t like free riding and we intuitively dislike direct copying – seeing it as a case of free riding. I think the question is limited to whether you’re fooling someone or not (trademarking). So as long as you’re not violating a trademark, which is a question of ‘weights and measures’, (fraud), then I think it’s hard to argue against copying anything at all. The test is pretty empirically simple – if you can glance at something for two seconds and tell the original from the copy, then it’s not a trademark violation. If you can then it is. It’s a pretty simple test. We have proven it over and over again. 3) For licensed monopolies, I think it is entirely moral to appeal to the ‘people’ asking for a limited monopoly to produce a good that the market cannot reliably produce. This tends kind of thing tends to be limited to very specific goods (health and medicine) or expensive original research in physical sciences, or high risk investments with high benefit to the commons (transportation and infrastructure). All that occurs is that private investment takes risk and reward, with some lottery bonus from the commons, that if they succeed they will recover their costs free of predation from others. Again, this is a purely pragmatic thing. And as long as such things are put out to ‘bid’, so that whomever wins gets the benefit, then I think it’s just a rational choice to get individuals do off book research and development on behalf of the commons in exchange for winning a lottery if they succeed. However I see these licenses as exceptions on the same level as laws, not grants to be easily obtained without serious discretion. 4) My problem with the rothbardian (ghetto) ethic is that it’s advocating free riding on the work of others, and NOT a matter of competition if you did not conduct the research yourself. Competition is not free riding, since you are doing a better job of voluntarily organizing production and satisfying customers. However, benefitting from someone else’s research and development and capturing the rewards for it is simply free riding. Again, I see the Rothbardian ethic as simply an obscurantist set of arguments meant to justify parasitism rather than enforcing the fundamental requirement for rational cooperation: that we all contribute to production without parasitism upon others. Humans punish cheaters. The only way to increase the velocity of production and trade is to increase trust, and the way to increase trust is to suppress all free riding so that every individual is forced to participate in production, rather than engage in parasitism. Rothbardianism is simply a complex, overloaded, obscurant argument meant to justify ghetto parasitism. It is irrational to choose a stateless polity with low trust and persistent retribution over a stateful polity with low trust and high suppression of retribution. This is why people demand the state: to suppress immoral and unethical people such as rothbardians, so that a high trust society can develop. An anarchic or private polity will only be possible to form under a high trust society that prohibits all free riding with the exception of kin. Curt Doolittle PS: I’m sure this will generate nonsense but I’m pretty sure my argument is rock solid. Just how it is. Rothbardians need to get over it.

  • “WHAT IS YOUR STANCE ON IP?” QUESTION: “Hello Curt. What’s your stance on IP esp

    “WHAT IS YOUR STANCE ON IP?”

    QUESTION: “Hello Curt. What’s your stance on IP especially taking Kinsella’s arguments into account?” (Derogatory reference to Kinsella’s personality edited out. – Ed.) 🙂

    ANSWER:

    (Sorry, this ended up in my “Other” email for some reason. If you ‘friend’ me then I will get your emails. I didn’t see this one.)

    In the abstract I agree with the principle that easily accessible licenses for limited monopolies are not beneficial for consumers. However, that rational argument may or may not mean much in practice.

    1) IP does appear to rapidly affect business willingness to invest. So, just like property rights exclude people from commons to facilitate the willingness to take risks, IP excludes people from opportunities in order to facilitate the willingness of individuals to take risks. So empirically speaking and rationally speaking, these are trade-off questions not matters of truth and falsehood.

    2) Humans don’t like free riding and we intuitively dislike direct copying – seeing it as a case of free riding. I think the question is limited to whether you’re fooling someone or not (trademarking). So as long as you’re not violating a trademark, which is a question of ‘weights and measures’, (fraud), then I think it’s hard to argue against copying anything at all. The test is pretty empirically simple – if you can glance at something for two seconds and tell the original from the copy, then it’s not a trademark violation. If you can then it is. It’s a pretty simple test. We have proven it over and over again.

    3) For licensed monopolies, I think it is entirely moral to appeal to the ‘people’ asking for a limited monopoly to produce a good that the market cannot reliably produce. This tends kind of thing tends to be limited to very specific goods (health and medicine) or expensive original research in physical sciences, or high risk investments with high benefit to the commons (transportation and infrastructure). All that occurs is that private investment takes risk and reward, with some lottery bonus from the commons, that if they succeed they will recover their costs free of predation from others. Again, this is a purely pragmatic thing. And as long as such things are put out to ‘bid’, so that whomever wins gets the benefit, then I think it’s just a rational choice to get individuals do off book research and development on behalf of the commons in exchange for winning a lottery if they succeed.

    However I see these licenses as exceptions on the same level as laws, not grants to be easily obtained without serious discretion.

    4) My problem with the rothbardian (ghetto) ethic is that it’s advocating free riding on the work of others, and NOT a matter of competition if you did not conduct the research yourself. Competition is not free riding, since you are doing a better job of voluntarily organizing production and satisfying customers. However, benefitting from someone else’s research and development and capturing the rewards for it is simply free riding.

    Again, I see the Rothbardian ethic as simply an obscurantist set of arguments meant to justify parasitism rather than enforcing the fundamental requirement for rational cooperation: that we all contribute to production without parasitism upon others.

    Humans punish cheaters. The only way to increase the velocity of production and trade is to increase trust, and the way to increase trust is to suppress all free riding so that every individual is forced to participate in production, rather than engage in parasitism.

    Rothbardianism is simply a complex, overloaded, obscurant argument meant to justify ghetto parasitism. It is irrational to choose a stateless polity with low trust and persistent retribution over a stateful polity with low trust and high suppression of retribution. This is why people demand the state: to suppress immoral and unethical people such as rothbardians, so that a high trust society can develop.

    An anarchic or private polity will only be possible to form under a high trust society that prohibits all free riding with the exception of kin.

    Curt Doolittle

    PS: I’m sure this will generate nonsense but I’m pretty sure my argument is rock solid. Just how it is. Rothbardians need to get over it.


    Source date (UTC): 2014-06-27 05:34:00 UTC

  • Should The Government Have The Right To Censor Videos Like Collateral Murder? Why Or Why Not?

    I WILL TRY TO DO THIS QUESTION JUSTICE.

    How you frame the question influences answers. I’ll try to give the correct answer by reframing the question slightly as other than yes or no.

    The philosophical question censorship is not whether government should have the ability, but (1) whether members of the military should or can sign a contract for secrecy inclusive of ‘accidents’ within the fog of war, and exclusive of deliberate immoral actions; and whether that contract has been broken by some member of the military or a non-military person, and (2) whether citizens, or heirs, should possess the universal standing to sue for reparations in the event that such actions subject them to harm. Censorship is always a license for bad behavior from governments, that too often specialize in bad behavior.  Restitution in court is a much more effective means of suppressing bad behavior on everyone’s part, citizen and government as well, than censorship which produces so many negative externalities.

    The combination of contract and harm under the law is superior to monopoly discretion on the part of a bureaucrat or politician with conflicting interests.

    https://www.quora.com/Should-the-government-have-the-right-to-censor-videos-like-Collateral-Murder-Why-or-why-not

  • Should The Government Have The Right To Censor Videos Like Collateral Murder? Why Or Why Not?

    I WILL TRY TO DO THIS QUESTION JUSTICE.

    How you frame the question influences answers. I’ll try to give the correct answer by reframing the question slightly as other than yes or no.

    The philosophical question censorship is not whether government should have the ability, but (1) whether members of the military should or can sign a contract for secrecy inclusive of ‘accidents’ within the fog of war, and exclusive of deliberate immoral actions; and whether that contract has been broken by some member of the military or a non-military person, and (2) whether citizens, or heirs, should possess the universal standing to sue for reparations in the event that such actions subject them to harm. Censorship is always a license for bad behavior from governments, that too often specialize in bad behavior.  Restitution in court is a much more effective means of suppressing bad behavior on everyone’s part, citizen and government as well, than censorship which produces so many negative externalities.

    The combination of contract and harm under the law is superior to monopoly discretion on the part of a bureaucrat or politician with conflicting interests.

    https://www.quora.com/Should-the-government-have-the-right-to-censor-videos-like-Collateral-Murder-Why-or-why-not

  • Untitled

    http://politicalcalculations.blogspot.com/2014/06/the-cost-of-crimes-in-us.html?m=1


    Source date (UTC): 2014-06-06 06:09:00 UTC

  • THE FALLACY OF STARTING WITH THE ASSUMPTION YOU HAVE PROPERTY RIGHTS RATHER THAN

    THE FALLACY OF STARTING WITH THE ASSUMPTION YOU HAVE PROPERTY RIGHTS RATHER THAN NEEDING TO CONSTRUCT THEM

    If you have no property rights, but only permission from the state, to use its property in certain fashion, then the state cannot aggress against your property – nor can anyone else, except to the extent determined by the state.

    To defend against this argument you must counter that natural rights exist like a soul, or are merely an allegory to contract rights, envisioned out of necessity for flourishing – or some other magical concept. Despite the fact that, contradictory to universal claims, nowhere on earth do private property rights exist. They are profoundly unnatural.

    All that is necessary for cooperation is the institution of property. The scope of property is not defined by the means of transgression against property. We can only possibly hold a right that we have obtained in contract. The contract for property rights in the absence of a state can only be constructed by individuals exchanging the promise of defense in response to transgression, and the means of aggressively constructing those rights . The only means of preventing the universally extant violations of those rights obtained in such a contract, and reciprocally insured via that contract, is the organized application of violence against the state.

    So it is an erroneous assumption, and a convenient one, that you start from a position of liberty, rather than start from a position of needing to construct liberty.

    Intersubjectively verifiable property is a fallacy. Aggression is a fallacy. Natural rights are a fallacy. Crusoe’s Island is a fallacy. Man evolved from consanguineous bands by suppressing free riding, thereby pressing all into participation in production. Property is the natural result of suppressing free riding. At all points and at all times property is constructed by resisting free riding. Property results from the suppression of free riding. The origin of private property as we understand it occurred when Indo European cattle raiders were able to concentrate extraordinary wealth under pastoralism, by way of organized violence and they kept what they obtained in those raids. This is the origin of property: the organized application of violence against free riding.

    People who are unwilling to enter the contract for organized violence in order to construct property rights both in contract and in daily practice (as a norm), are merely free riders (thieves) from those who are willing to act to construct property rights in contract and in daily practice (as a norm).

    In other words, by claiming you have ‘natural rights’ you’re not only demonstrably wrong, but just trying to obtain property rights at a discount by free riding on the efforts of those who do construct property rights.

    So, you’re not only wrong, but a dishonest, free riding thief, like statists you condemn are.

    As far as I know this argument is bulletproof.

    Curt Doolittle

    The Propertarian Institute

    The Philosophy of Aristocracy

    Kiev Ukraine


    Source date (UTC): 2014-05-24 23:00:00 UTC

  • OPERATIONALISM, PROPERTARIAN DEFINITION OF PROPERTY, AND STRICT CONSTRUCTIONISM

    http://www.amazon.com/Supreme-Court-Attitudinal-Model-Revisited/dp/0521789710WHY OPERATIONALISM, PROPERTARIAN DEFINITION OF PROPERTY, AND STRICT CONSTRUCTIONISM ARE NECESSARY FOR RULE OF LAW

    The “Attitudinal Model”: When decisions are unclear, they are made by moral intuitions. Not by reason.


    Source date (UTC): 2014-05-17 22:22:00 UTC

  • FOUR LEGAL MODELS AND BLACKMAIL Given that necessary morality is objectively def

    FOUR LEGAL MODELS AND BLACKMAIL

    Given that necessary morality is objectively defined (in-group cooperation: the prohibition on free riding), and unnecessary moral rules are defined (in-group signals and rituals) and out-group cooperation is also defined (rothbardian ethics – the ethics of states) we can look at four possible permutations of representing the causes of criminal, ethical and moral in-group conflict under different legal prohibitions:

    1) ILLEGAL or LEGAL and NON-MORAL: If two people want to engage in blackmail, but the victim doesn’t want to prosecute, then there is no crime, because without a state there is no one else to make the claim of wrongdoing.

    2) ILLEGAL: If blackmail is illegal, because it is immoral, and the party wants to sue, he can.

    3) LEGAL: If it is not illegal but it is immoral, then the victim has no other recourse but violence.

    I do not see how one can claim innocence if one aggresses via blackmail, then is murdered for his aggression.

    4) MINIMUM LEGAL SCOPE, FREEDOM OUTSIDE THAT SCOPE. So that means the fourth scenario is that violence is of course always available as a means of settling unethical and immoral conflicts. So the law can only be used for rothbardian levels of conflict (crime) and violence remains available for unethical and immoral actions.

    Cheers.


    Source date (UTC): 2014-05-11 13:17:00 UTC

  • How Is Anarchism A Functional System For A Country?

    Anarchism depends upon rule of law, where the only law is private property, as the only formal institution of social order.  As far as we know this is the minimum requirement for the formation of a division of labor, trade, and contracts, and therefore an economy, wherein people possess a peaceful means for the resolution of disputes.

    For an homogenous outbred people with secure borders experiencing limited rates of change, there is no reason that this system cannot work, but only in rare cases does it work. 

    The problem we see in most of history, is that it has been hard for these groups to deny others the ability to impose a government.

    In modern times, it has become extremely difficult to compete economically without the organization of a body that can tax and produce commons (infrastructure).   This does not mean that it cannot be done by private means. Only that it is rare that it is.

    There is nothing terribly novel about anarchism other than the idea that it would exist outside of a ‘tribal’ polity.

    https://www.quora.com/How-is-anarchism-a-functional-system-for-a-country

  • How Is Anarchism A Functional System For A Country?

    Anarchism depends upon rule of law, where the only law is private property, as the only formal institution of social order.  As far as we know this is the minimum requirement for the formation of a division of labor, trade, and contracts, and therefore an economy, wherein people possess a peaceful means for the resolution of disputes.

    For an homogenous outbred people with secure borders experiencing limited rates of change, there is no reason that this system cannot work, but only in rare cases does it work. 

    The problem we see in most of history, is that it has been hard for these groups to deny others the ability to impose a government.

    In modern times, it has become extremely difficult to compete economically without the organization of a body that can tax and produce commons (infrastructure).   This does not mean that it cannot be done by private means. Only that it is rare that it is.

    There is nothing terribly novel about anarchism other than the idea that it would exist outside of a ‘tribal’ polity.

    https://www.quora.com/How-is-anarchism-a-functional-system-for-a-country