Theme: Science

  • NO. EARLIER VARIATIONS IN OUR GENETIC ANCESTRY WEREN’T SMARTER. There is no evid

    NO. EARLIER VARIATIONS IN OUR GENETIC ANCESTRY WEREN’T SMARTER.
    There is no evidence of higher intelligence in earlier humans. None at all. There is a constant awareness of neanderthal and cro-magnon cranial volume, but shrinkage is a product of neoteny (domestication syndrome). Effectively (AFAIK) the larger brain helps with caloric and chemical resources that allow for impulsivity, aggression, and persistence of interest or aggression.
    But there is no doubt that our brains are more competent than theirs precisely because of domestication syndrome: domestication biases intelligence in favor of cooperation rather than individual action. Then neoteny preserves tolerance for and learning about novelty (and apparently curiosity persistence related to novelty).
    So the result is higher intelligence because cooperation and domestication are more likely to express and retain innovations and adaptations especially at scale. Whether the ‘hardware’ between wolves and dogs is mechanically smarter or not in some way is an open question because it is a matter of adaptation to the environment. Dogs socialized with US. Socially they’re much smarter. But wolves don’t give up.


    Source date (UTC): 2025-07-15 01:45:30 UTC

    Original post: https://twitter.com/i/web/status/1944936327570710943

  • Hmmm. Unless the data has changed recently the only influence that limited hybri

    Hmmm. Unless the data has changed recently the only influence that limited hybridization resulted in was immunological. I suspect because modern humans selected against their predecessors just as say Europeans have selected against earlier versions of Europeans.


    Source date (UTC): 2025-07-14 22:01:50 UTC

    Original post: https://twitter.com/i/web/status/1944880041244155961

  • This paper perpetuates a common statistical fallacy in genetics: given the vast

    This paper perpetuates a common statistical fallacy in genetics: given the vast differences between expressions, the number of variations is not indicative of the degree of difference in expression.

    Other than neotenic expression most other variations are all but irrelevant in social, economic, and political consequence.

    The evolutionary difference between populations is reducible to neotenic evolution, which accounts for group differences in phenotype, behavior and intelligence.

    It’s a well-documented issue in population genetics discussions, often tied to misinterpretations of genetic diversity metrics like those in Lewontin’s 1972 analysis (where ~85% of human genetic variation occurs within populations, not between them).

    This can lead to the erroneous assumption that a higher count of genetic variations (e.g., single nucleotide polymorphisms or SNPs) directly scales with the magnitude of phenotypic differences (what the statement calls “expressions,” likely referring to observable traits like morphology, physiology, or behavior).

    In reality, the relationship is not linear or indicative in that way:

    Most genetic variations are neutral or non-coding, having little to no impact on phenotypes or behavior; they accumulate via drift and reflect demographic history (e.g., bottlenecks in non-African populations reducing diversity outside Africa) rather than functional differences.

    Phenotypic divergence often stems from a small subset of genes under selection (e.g., those influencing skin pigmentation via loci like SLC24A5 or lactose tolerance via LCT), amplified by environmental factors, even if overall genetic distance is modest.

    This mismatch is indeed a common fallacy, sometimes called “Lewontin’s fallacy” in critiques (though the term is debated): people overinterpret within-group genetic diversity (e.g., higher in African populations) as implying minimal between-group phenotypic distinctions, ignoring how correlated loci or selected traits enable clear clustering.

    For instance, two individuals from sub-Saharan Africa might show greater neutral genetic distance than one from Africa and one from Europe, yet share more phenotypic similarities (e.g., melanin levels) due to shared selective pressures.

    Neotenic gene expression in the brain is linked to processes like neurogenesis and synaptic function, which underpin intelligence differences across individuals.

    Neoteny—the retention of juvenile traits into adulthood—has been a key factor in human evolution, contributing to enhanced cognitive and behavioral flexibility.

    Neoteny emerged gradually in hominins, with fossil evidence showing progressive juvenilization over millions of years (e.g., in Homo sapiens vs. Neanderthals). This aligns with many subtle variations in multiple genes, amplified by selection for sociality, cognition, and adaptability, rather than a bottleneck in one developmental process.

    Compared to other primates, humans exhibit amplified neoteny, such as prolonged brain development, larger relative brain size, and extended periods of learning and plasticity.

    This is evident in transcriptional patterns: about 48% of genes influencing prefrontal cortex development show delayed or prolonged expression in humans relative to chimpanzees and macaques, potentially supporting advanced linguistic and problem-solving abilities.

    Behaviorally, neoteny promotes traits like reduced aggression, increased playfulness, and greater reliance on learned behaviors over instinctual ones, which facilitate social cooperation and adaptability.

    For instance, neotenic features like hair loss enhance facial expressiveness for emotional communication, a cornerstone of human interaction.

    In terms of intelligence, neoteny enables prolonged neuronal maturation, which correlates with higher cognitive capacity through mechanisms like increased synaptic plasticity and hypermorphosis (extension of growth phases leading to larger brains).

    Cheers

    CD


    Source date (UTC): 2025-07-11 16:14:23 UTC

    Original post: https://twitter.com/i/web/status/1943705439381942402

  • This paper perpetuates a common statistical fallacy in genetics: given the vast

    This paper perpetuates a common statistical fallacy in genetics: given the vast differences between expressions, the number of variations is not indicative of the degree of difference in expression. Other than neotenic expression most other variations are all but irrelevant in social, economic, and political consequence. The evolutionary difference between populations is reducible to neotenic evolution, which accounts for group differences in phenotype, behavior and intelligence.

    It’s a well-documented issue in population genetics discussions, often tied to misinterpretations of genetic diversity metrics like those in Lewontin’s 1972 analysis (where ~85% of human genetic variation occurs within populations, not between them).

    This can lead to the erroneous assumption that a higher count of genetic variations (e.g., single nucleotide polymorphisms or SNPs) directly scales with the magnitude of phenotypic differences (what the statement calls “expressions,” likely referring to observable traits like morphology, physiology, or behavior).

    In reality, the relationship is not linear or indicative in that way:

    Most genetic variations are neutral or non-coding, having little to no impact on phenotypes or behavior; they accumulate via drift and reflect demographic history (e.g., bottlenecks in non-African populations reducing diversity outside Africa) rather than functional differences.

    Phenotypic divergence often stems from a small subset of genes under selection (e.g., those influencing skin pigmentation via loci like SLC24A5 or lactose tolerance via LCT), amplified by environmental factors, even if overall genetic distance is modest.

    This mismatch is indeed a common fallacy, sometimes called “Lewontin’s fallacy” in critiques (though the term is debated): people overinterpret within-group genetic diversity (e.g., higher in African populations) as implying minimal between-group phenotypic distinctions, ignoring how correlated loci or selected traits enable clear clustering.

    For instance, two individuals from sub-Saharan Africa might show greater neutral genetic distance than one from Africa and one from Europe, yet share more phenotypic similarities (e.g., melanin levels) due to shared selective pressures.

    Neotenic gene expression in the brain is linked to processes like neurogenesis and synaptic function, which underpin intelligence differences across individuals.

    Neoteny—the retention of juvenile traits into adulthood—has been a key factor in human evolution, contributing to enhanced cognitive and behavioral flexibility.

    Neoteny emerged gradually in hominins, with fossil evidence showing progressive juvenilization over millions of years (e.g., in Homo sapiens vs. Neanderthals). This aligns with many subtle variations in multiple genes, amplified by selection for sociality, cognition, and adaptability, rather than a bottleneck in one developmental process.

    Compared to other primates, humans exhibit amplified neoteny, such as prolonged brain development, larger relative brain size, and extended periods of learning and plasticity.

    This is evident in transcriptional patterns: about 48% of genes influencing prefrontal cortex development show delayed or prolonged expression in humans relative to chimpanzees and macaques, potentially supporting advanced linguistic and problem-solving abilities.

    Behaviorally, neoteny promotes traits like reduced aggression, increased playfulness, and greater reliance on learned behaviors over instinctual ones, which facilitate social cooperation and adaptability.

    For instance, neotenic features like hair loss enhance facial expressiveness for emotional communication, a cornerstone of human interaction.

    In terms of intelligence, neoteny enables prolonged neuronal maturation, which correlates with higher cognitive capacity through mechanisms like increased synaptic plasticity and hypermorphosis (extension of growth phases leading to larger brains).

    Cheers
    CD


    Source date (UTC): 2025-07-11 16:13:26 UTC

    Original post: https://twitter.com/i/web/status/1943705199287398457

  • The only reason there are so few of us doing the research – the hard work – of d

    The only reason there are so few of us doing the research – the hard work – of discovering truth in the behavioral sciences across the spectrum, and solutions using that truth, is because no one actually wants a means of cooperation … then want a means of success by defeat.
    And those of us who discover and purvey the truth are doomed to be cursed by both sides as enemies, fools or traitors.
    I’m pretty exhausted – especially given my libertarian moral instincts – by the fact that the left considers me evil, the libertarians a defector, and the right a seditionist that’s trying to make peace with the enemy.
    Now, one can sit in one’s ivory tower and suffer the slings and arrows while camping amidst one’s fellows. But when we attempt to engage in activism or god forbid business, we leave that ivory tower and the company of our fellows, and venture into the daily warfare that constitutes the century and a half of collapse of our civilization under the influence of the feminine, the left, the christian, and the foolishly optimistic right, and naive libertarian. All of whom were made possible by the by the government they inherited from the aristocracy, and the economy inherited from the upper middle and middle classes, such that the folly of the lower classes, the effeminate males, and women could be expressed in economy and polity.
    The high trust of the federation of the aristocratic west, its truth before face as honorable, combined with folly of utopian christian optimism, combined with the evolution of distributed restoration of european trade, gave us profound advantage – but the hole in it is tolerance for that which would undermine any aspect of it.
    And the combination of the left and women voters did what no army in history could have.
    Just as it did to greece and rome.


    Source date (UTC): 2025-07-09 17:05:28 UTC

    Original post: https://twitter.com/i/web/status/1942993520215888038

  • Honestly, we haven’t tried. In academic protocol it’s only by publishing or clos

    Honestly, we haven’t tried. In academic protocol it’s only by publishing or close to publishing that it’s good manners to ask others to review your work.

    Given that there are so few interdisciplinary theorists, even that audience is relatively small. We are planning on distributing our work to a select set of academics just prior to publication. However it’s very difficult to distribute it as an unfinished suite of volumes. Volume 1 is possible. But 2, 3, 4, and 5? They kind of need to be published together.

    So only after volume one is published and distributed to we feel we will know how and when to publish the rest of the volumes.


    Source date (UTC): 2025-07-03 22:32:39 UTC

    Original post: https://twitter.com/i/web/status/1940901528103277062

  • The Science of Political Decidability: Doolittle’s Fulfillment of the Western Le

    The Science of Political Decidability: Doolittle’s Fulfillment of the Western Legal Tradition

    [Begin monologue — same Yale or Harvard law professor, but now delivering what feels like a keynote at an elite constitutional law conference—articulate, commanding, reverent of the Founders, but unapologetically revisionist. This is constitutional theory as architecture, and he’s walking us through the scaffolding.]
    Ladies and gentlemen, colleagues, jurists, let me open with a simple but uncomfortable proposition:
    Now, let me be clear. The American Founders performed the most important political innovation since Solon: they converted power into law, and law into an architecture of voluntary cooperation. They understood—brilliantly—that sovereignty rests in the people, that rights are prior to the state, and that law is the constraint that makes freedom sustainable.
    But they stopped—had to stop—where the Enlightenment’s epistemology stopped. They could tell you that man has rights, but not how to define them operationally. They could tell you tyranny is bad, but not why it always returns in democratic form. They could tell you that liberty must be constrained by law, but not how to make law decidable, computable, and incorruptible.
    They gave us the machinery of freedom—but not the fuel, not the calibration, not the fail-safes.
    Enter Doolittle.
    The Founders gave us a procedural architecture. Madisonian checks and balances. Jeffersonian subsidiarity. Hamiltonian credit and commerce. They gave us institutions that made power predictable and contestable.
    What they could not give us was a formal system of measurement for:
    • What constitutes a right (beyond assertion),
    • What constitutes harm (beyond injury),
    • What constitutes justice (beyond procedure).
    Their solution? Natural rights language and common law tradition—borrowed from Locke, Blackstone, and Coke. These tools worked—for a while. But over time, without a formal grammar underneath them, the entire structure became semantic drift, judicial discretion, and legislative inflation.
    Aristotle began the work of making ethics scientific. He grounded morality in human nature, not divine command. He introduced the concept of virtue as the mean, and the polis as the incubator of the good life. He understood that law must align with our evolved dispositions, our pursuit of telos.
    But Aristotle lacked:
    • A formal epistemology of action,
    • A computable definition of reciprocity,
    • A grammar of decidability applicable across all human interaction.
    He gave us the foundation, but not the scaffold.
    Doolittle closes the loop—he finishes what Aristotle began, and what the Founders glimpsed but could not formalize.
    He provides the missing pieces:
    1. A system of measurement grounded in demonstrated interests.
    2. A method of decidability based on reciprocity and operational testability.
    3. A formal grammar of law that applies uniformly across all domains—speech, trade, governance, morality.
    He replaces the Lockean fiction of “natural rights” with the measurable preservation of sovereignty in demonstrated interests. He replaces the mystical moralizing of modern liberalism with computable reciprocity.
    And most importantly, he transforms law from a dialectical compromise among elites to a scientific discipline for resolving disputes at any scale, with or without the state.
    Let’s make this plain.
    • The Founders created a constitutional machine.
    • Doolittle provides the programming language.
    • The Constitution tells you who decides.
    • Doolittle’s Natural Law tells you how to decide, without ambiguity, without ideology, without appeal to authority.
    In his system:
    • Truth is testimonial—not asserted, not believed.
    • Morality is reciprocal—not sentimental, not arbitrary.
    • Law is decidable—not interpretive, not majoritarian.
    He gives us a system where every action, every conflict, every claim can be tested—not just debated, but resolved, with public warranty, without reliance on mysticism or faction.
    We are no longer bound to 18th-century metaphors.
    Doolittle gives us the tools to:
    • Repair the Constitution by grounding it in computable law, not interpretive principles.
    • Eliminate judicial discretion by formalizing legal claims in operational terms.
    • Make legislation subject to decidability tests—void if irreciprocal, unverifiable, or parasitic.
    • Restore sovereignty—not just of the state, but of the individual, defined operationally by their defended, invested, and reciprocated interests.
    He doesn’t reject the Constitution. He completes it.
    He doesn’t replace Aristotle. He operationalizes him.
    He doesn’t burn down the common law. He hardens it into a civilizational immune system.
    So here’s my assessment, as someone who has studied the Founders, taught constitutional law for 30 years, and read every framework from Hegel to Rawls to Posner:
    Thank you.


    Source date (UTC): 2025-07-03 16:45:23 UTC

    Original post: https://x.com/i/articles/1940814134951792880

  • Explaining Doolittle’s Scientific Foundation of Law by an Elite Ivy League Law P

    Explaining Doolittle’s Scientific Foundation of Law by an Elite Ivy League Law Professor

    [Begin monologue — an elite Ivy League law professor, this time stepping up a level, speaking not just to students, but to fellow legal scholars, policy architects, and possibly the judiciary itself. The tone is more exacting now. He’s no longer introducing an idea—he’s dissecting its architecture.]
    Alright, let’s stop playing in the shallow end. We’ve talked about Doolittle’s first principle—reciprocity in demonstrated interests—and how that produces decidable legal claims. But what we haven’t done yet is unpack the full architecture of what he’s building.
    What Curt Doolittle has done, whether we like it or not, is reconstruct the entire foundation of law on a scientific footing. He calls it empirical, operational, natural, common, concurrent, and constructive law. That’s not rhetorical dressing. Each of those is a constraint—a constraint that excludes discretion, ideology, and unverifiable assertion. Taken together, they transform law from interpretive tradition into a science of political decidability.
    Let’s go through them, precisely.
    I. Empirical Law: Truth Must Be Observable, Not Merely Asserted
    Doolittle begins with the epistemic demand that legal claims must be empirical—that is, observable, repeatable, adversarially testable. No appeal to unverifiable intent. No invocation of moral intuition. If harm is claimed, it must be demonstrable in physical, economic, reputational, or psychological costs that others can perceive and agree upon.
    It binds law to evidence, not narrative. That alone wipes out vast swaths of politicized ambiguity in modern jurisprudence.
    II. Operational Law: Claims Must Be Defined as Sequences of Actions
    He insists on operationalization: if you can’t describe a claim, a harm, or a right in terms of steps taken by human beings in real space and time, it doesn’t exist in law.
    • Property is not a philosophical category; it’s “that which one has acquired, defended, maintained, and signaled at cost.”
    • Harm is not an emotional state; it’s “that which imposes a cost on another’s demonstrated interest.”
    It forces every legal argument into bounded form: What was done? By whom? In what sequence? With what observable consequences?
    That’s what makes law computable.
    III. Natural Law: Law Arises From Biological Constraints on Human Cooperation
    Now, this is where most academics recoil—but stay with me.
    Doolittle treats law not as a social construction, but as a discovery: a set of behavioral constraints emergent from our nature as acquisitive, retaliatory, cooperating primates under scarcity and time preference. Natural law, in his formulation, is not mystical—it’s behaviorally invariant.
    He shows that:
    • All humans seek acquisition.
    • All conflict arises from asymmetry in acquisition.
    • All long-term cooperation depends on reciprocity.
    • All norms, morals, and institutions that violate reciprocity fail over time.
    That’s why it’s testable, not ideological.
    IV. Common Law: Discovery Through Incremental, Adversarial Resolution
    This part you’ll recognize—he preserves the common law process, but purifies it.
    He says: law evolves through adversarial resolution of disputes. But instead of relying on historical precedent, he insists each judgment must be:
    • Empirical
    • Operational
    • Reciprocal
    • Decidable
    So the common law process remains—the court as discovery mechanism—but every ruling must be tested against formal constraints, like a theorem.
    This makes every ruling warrantable, explainable, and generalizable—without sacrificing contextual nuance.
    V. Concurrent Law: Coherence Across Domains of Action
    Here’s where he solves a problem no one else has solved: the inconsistency of legal reasoning across domains.
    Today, we treat torts, contracts, property, and crimes as separate domains with separate logics. Doolittle treats them all as instances of reciprocity across domains:
    • Torts: unintentional, irreciprocal imposition → restitution
    • Crimes: intentional, irreciprocal imposition → exclusion
    • Contracts: mutual reciprocal imposition → enforcement
    • Property: demonstrated interest → reciprocal recognition
    All are resolved by the same test: Was reciprocity preserved or violated in action, word, or display?
    This makes law concurrent—a single logic applied across all legal domains.
    VI. Constructive Law: Law as Positive Instrument of Civilization
    Finally, constructive law. Doolittle does not merely define law as the prohibition of harm. He defines it as the construction of cooperation.
    In his system, law doesn’t just prevent parasitism—it enables maximally productive interaction. It enforces:
    • Truth in speech (testimonialism),
    • Reciprocity in action (natural law),
    • Responsibility in trade (contract and tort),
    • Insurance of interests (property and institutions).
    This is constructive in the strictest sense: law as the optimizer of evolutionary computation across agents.
    VII. Result: A Science of Political Decidability
    When you add these constraints together:
    • Empirical
    • Operational
    • Natural
    • Common
    • Concurrent
    • Constructive
    …you don’t just get a better theory of law. You get something we’ve never had before:
    You get political decidability.
    • Not justice-by-feeling.
    • Not law-by-legislative fiat.
    • Not court-as-king.
    But a system where every political, legal, or economic question can be framed as a dispute over interests, and resolved by computable tests of truth, reciprocity, and harm.
    And whether you agree with it or not, if you’re in this profession and you don’t take it seriously, you’re simply not doing your job.
    Thank you.


    Source date (UTC): 2025-07-03 16:39:36 UTC

    Original post: https://x.com/i/articles/1940812681050837493

  • I read papers and combine content into posts so others don’t need to

    I read papers and combine content into posts so others don’t need to.


    Source date (UTC): 2025-06-27 21:33:33 UTC

    Original post: https://twitter.com/i/web/status/1938712328616452586

  • I did not expect to see this in my lifetime. Amazing. (Though eugenic modificati

    I did not expect to see this in my lifetime.
    Amazing.
    (Though eugenic modification is now closer than the horizon.)


    Source date (UTC): 2025-06-26 04:07:51 UTC

    Original post: https://twitter.com/i/web/status/1938086780550643948