Theme: Property

  • Buyer Beware vs Seller Beware

    PROPERTARIAN ETHICS VS ROTHBARDIAN ETHICS (worth repeating) –“Under rothbardian ethics the buyer must beware, and under propertarian ethics the seller must beware. Propertarian ethics put warranty in the hands of the person with the greatest knowledge and therefore produces the least asymmetry of knowledge. ‘ — Propertarian ethics solve the problem of libertarian morality.

  • CONTRA KINSELLA ON AGGRESSION (I might as well just beat this horse until it’s r

    CONTRA KINSELLA ON AGGRESSION

    (I might as well just beat this horse until it’s really, really, dead.)

    Aggression that causes violence is determined empirically. The definition of Property that people treat as aggressed against is determined empirically. You don’t get to make stuff up. We are supposed to be the smart people you know?

    [kinsella]—“Libertarianism says that only aggression may be countered with force, that aggression is the only way to violate rights so that a forceful response is justified. Other rightful behavior, even if it is immoral or “bad,” is rightful so long as it is not aggression”— [kinsella]

    Yes, rothbardian libertarianism says that immoral and unethical actions are permissible and that you are forbidden from retaliating against people in court, and that you can be taken to court if you retaliate against immoral and unethical actions.

    Yes, rothbardian libertarianism legally authorizes immoral and unethical conduct. Yes, rothbardian libertarians prohibits retaliation for immoral and unethical conduct. Yes rothbardian libertarianism provides incentives to engage in immoral and unethical conduct. Because immoral and unethical actions allow profiting from unproductive professions that are parasitic to the polity. So yes, rothbardian ethics reflect the ethics of the low trust societies of the world. And in all low trust societies, the state is necessary as a suppressor of violence. That is why all low trust societies have strong central states: to suppress violence created by immoral and unethical actions that are non-productive, and which have no peaceful means of resolution other than violence.

    High trust societies force all profiting into the market where it is mutually beneficial. High trust societies force ALL competition into the market. They force all actions into PRODUCTIVE actions.

    It is ONLY high trust societies that have produced liberty. That is why only the formerly aristocratic nations possess liberty. Because through outbreeding and violence they forced all conflict into the market for goods and services, by prohibiting both criminal, unethical and immoral actions.

    Why have no low trust societies that employ the absence of moral and ethical standards ever formed?

    <sarcasm>

    OF COURSE I’M RIGHT.

    I know. You will get there. Or you will go to your grave whispering “I believe in NAP, I believe in NAP, I Believe in NAP” like any other good cult member.

    Sorry. Just how it is. Get over it. Abandon rothbardiansim as the failed program that it is: a pathetic attempt to pretend that cosmopolitanism was somehow a competitor to aristocratic egalitarianism.

    TIme for big boy shoes.

    You can do it if you try.

    <sarcasm/>

    PROPERTY IS DEFINED BY EMPIRICAL NOT RATIONAL MEANS

    If we define property as people ACT in high trust societies define property then yes it is a trespass. That is what I can’t seem to get across to you.

    Low trust = scarce property rights.

    High trust = lots of property rights.

    People flock TO high trust societies and AWAY from low trust societies.

    High trust = high velocity of trade and low demand for the state.

    Low trust = low velocity of trade and high demand for the state.

    It’s just the evidence. Nothing will change it. No matter how many canticles for rothbard you kneel for. No matter how much hand wringing that you muster.

    Jan lester was almost right. I”m right. This is how it is. Just time to deal with it.

    A voluntary polity is only POSSIBLE under suppression of immoral and unethical behavior via the common law, because people will not abandon or tolerate unethical behavior.

    2 mins · Like

    <sarcasam>

    So. Um. Like usual. I’m right. Yeah. Sorry. It must be painful.

    I kinda wish someone else had this job. You know? But it seems like it’s my civic duty to flush Rothbardian ethics into the toilet of phlogiston theories.

    <sarcasam/>


    Source date (UTC): 2014-05-11 16:26:00 UTC

  • HOPPE’S EEoPP AS A BRIDGE? NOPE. I thought that maybe if I went through and brie

    HOPPE’S EEoPP AS A BRIDGE? NOPE.

    I thought that maybe if I went through and briefly restated each chapter in Hoppe’s Economics and Ethics of Private Property I could so some good at bridging the gap. But it was a surprising bit of work today.

    Section one, on economics, wouldn’t require any modification. It’s his best work.

    But, I just re-read section two and it’s little more than a set of arguments justifying praxeology and apriorism. Sigh. Which I’ve put an operational bullet it.

    As a nit, I don’t t think hoppe understood WHY operationalism didn’t satisfy all of mathematics only all demonstrable math. I think that it’s understandable, because very few people within the mathematical philosophy discipline understand it. But the reason is very simple: arbitrary precision, and the necessity of general rules. Mathematicians can get away with certain claims because it’s acceptable in all cases to apply their deductions in the absence of precision. But that’s a scary monster of a rat hole. I think i’ve settled this topic so I’m going to ignore it for now.

    Chapter 15 (Rothbardian Ethics) could be restated as the ethics of out-group exchange, or the ethics of nation-states. But I would have to then add propertarianism as the ethics of in-group exchanges necessary to form a polity. One might counter that the rothbardian solution is to view each of us as ethically equal to a sovereign state, but that’s just an empty verbalism. We are still stuck with the reality of needing to get non-kin cooperate as kin up to some limit where interests diverge sufficiently that such cooperation is no longer in one’s interest.

    The evidence that my ‘faction’ of libertarians are so bogged down in the fallacies of a priorism, that its impossible to move them is just piling up. And rothbardians aren’t that unique really. The percentage of mathematicians who subscribe to mathematical platonism is probably only slightly lower than the percentage of libertarians who subscribe to apriorism. Both are wrong, but you know, that doesn’t seem to matter if they can find a nail to hit with the hammer that they have in hand.

    Curt


    Source date (UTC): 2014-05-09 11:52:00 UTC

  • TO THE END OF LIBERTARIAN SUPERSTITION I think he mean’s he’s a Rothbardian. Unl

    http://www.lewrockwell.com/2014/05/laurence-m-vance/i-am-a-libertarian/WELCOME TO THE END OF LIBERTARIAN SUPERSTITION

    I think he mean’s he’s a Rothbardian. Unless there is a Copyright on the term ‘libertarian’ held by the some group of rothbardians.

    Unfortunately, Rothbardian is a little too close to ‘stupid-tarian’ and ‘aspie-tarian’ and ‘immoral-tarian’.

    The NAP/IVP is a dead argument. Not by opinion, not by rationalization, but by evidence in our grubby hands, produced by science. It’s also one of the main reasons that the liberty movement has failed: because Rothbard’s ghetto ethics are objectively immoral.

    Period. End. Of. Story.

    Sorry you invested all your self-rewarding status signals out of a false premise, but that’s the price of the early adopter. You were wrong. You need to pick up your shattered dreams and walk out of rothbard’s ghetto, into the sunshine and learn about the logic of cooperation, the necessity of cooperation, and the relationship between cooperation and moral instincts, intuitions and rules.

    The thick folks aren’t doing too well at keeping up with science (that seems to be a conservative or post-libertarian endeavor.) So they’re still hoping that they can reconstruct the church with some kind of continental , kantian, justificationary form of rationalism. The priests of libertarianism that will through genius introspection save us from the evils of statism. But once again the drudgery of science does what introspective gazing cannot.

    Thin is dead. Thick is incomplete. And conservatives are the only people who act anyway.

    Welcome to the scientific method.


    Source date (UTC): 2014-05-09 09:04:00 UTC

  • How Is Anarchism A Functional System For A Country?

    Anarchism depends upon rule of law, where the only law is private property, as the only formal institution of social order.  As far as we know this is the minimum requirement for the formation of a division of labor, trade, and contracts, and therefore an economy, wherein people possess a peaceful means for the resolution of disputes.

    For an homogenous outbred people with secure borders experiencing limited rates of change, there is no reason that this system cannot work, but only in rare cases does it work. 

    The problem we see in most of history, is that it has been hard for these groups to deny others the ability to impose a government.

    In modern times, it has become extremely difficult to compete economically without the organization of a body that can tax and produce commons (infrastructure).   This does not mean that it cannot be done by private means. Only that it is rare that it is.

    There is nothing terribly novel about anarchism other than the idea that it would exist outside of a ‘tribal’ polity.

    https://www.quora.com/How-is-anarchism-a-functional-system-for-a-country

  • How Is Anarchism A Functional System For A Country?

    Anarchism depends upon rule of law, where the only law is private property, as the only formal institution of social order.  As far as we know this is the minimum requirement for the formation of a division of labor, trade, and contracts, and therefore an economy, wherein people possess a peaceful means for the resolution of disputes.

    For an homogenous outbred people with secure borders experiencing limited rates of change, there is no reason that this system cannot work, but only in rare cases does it work. 

    The problem we see in most of history, is that it has been hard for these groups to deny others the ability to impose a government.

    In modern times, it has become extremely difficult to compete economically without the organization of a body that can tax and produce commons (infrastructure).   This does not mean that it cannot be done by private means. Only that it is rare that it is.

    There is nothing terribly novel about anarchism other than the idea that it would exist outside of a ‘tribal’ polity.

    https://www.quora.com/How-is-anarchism-a-functional-system-for-a-country

  • MORAL REALISM: THE PROHIBITION ON FREE RIDING. (pulled out and reposted) Liberta

    MORAL REALISM: THE PROHIBITION ON FREE RIDING.

    (pulled out and reposted)

    Libertarianism argues that Non Aggression, (NAP) + Intersubjectively Verifiable Property (IVP) constitute a universal moral natural law. This is ‘almost real’. And any claim that natural rights or natural law exist is to claim moral realism (constant correspondence.)

    Now, I disagree with IVP and NAP, because I have learned that human moral standards are universally higher than that. That no groups exist and can exist by treating internal members as such. And that peoples who use the NAP with outsiders are usually outcast and exterminated.

    However, if we look at universally demonstrated human behaviors, we see that it is quite possible to identify a small number of constant moral constraints upon our action. And that these moral constraints reflect our reproductive strategies – and must. Further, that all cultures may implement more or less of these moral constraints, and that many of these moral constraints are mixed with signaling (which is not a moral constraint, but a signal of commitment to moral constraints – usually ritualistic costs that one must bear). This means that all moral systems include the universal moral rules, a level of adoption of those rules that suits their reproductive structure within the particular moral structure of production available to them, and a body of rituals and signals. And that all moral codes in all groups can be reduced to technical descriptions on the axes I have described.

    If this is true, and I am correct, and I think the evidence suggests that I am correct, then the underlying moral code is on that is in favor of cooperation while prohibiting free riding, where failing to engage in cooperation is also free riding. As such, the underlying moral intuition begins with the prohibition on free riding. Further that depending on a number of environmental variables such as geography and competition, humans will produce predictable moral codes, albeit a wide variety of signals. And yes, the genders differ in the distribution of weights that they give to those underlying moral codes.

    As such, we have finally uncovered the logic and science of morality. And as such, morality is both real, and non arbitrary.

    Thus the only means of moral action we possess is voluntary, fully informed, warrantied exchange, free of negative externalities, in which we contributed to production. It implies that one cannot refuse a trade that causes one no loss, takes no effort, exposes one to no risk, and benefits another.

    Everyone has something to trade. Even if it’s merely respect for life, property, manners, ethics, morals and rituals. And that is enough to trade for the benefits of the market, and the opportunity to conduct other trades with those who likewise enter into the bargain.


    Source date (UTC): 2014-05-04 09:09:00 UTC

  • MI/LRC: ABANDON ROTHBARDIANISM AS A FAILED IDEOLOGY OR BEAR THE CONSEQUENCES Dea

    MI/LRC: ABANDON ROTHBARDIANISM AS A FAILED IDEOLOGY OR BEAR THE CONSEQUENCES

    Dear Lou,

    It must be clear to you, after more than thirty years, that the philosophical product you have been selling has been rejected by the market for ideologies as a means of obtaining political power sufficient to enact change. Even if younger generations are turning to some form of libertarianism, they are turning to the moral intuitions of classical liberalism, not to the ethical and political program of rothbardian anarcho capitalism. Despite what you seem to imply and claim credit for – with increasing frequency.

    If you stated “I sold the ideology that was available to sell. Had there been a better ideology then I would have sold that product instead.” That is very different from continuing the sale of your defective product, once it has been demonstrated to fail in the market, and moreover done damage to consumers and the brand. The brand that you damaged in this case is “liberty”. The consumers you damaged were the people who desired liberty and sought public intellectuals and philosophers to help them preserve it and regain it.

    But, while one is blameless in one’s ignorance, once one is made aware that Rothbarianism:

    (a) advocates an immoral and unethical standard upon which to base the the law;

    (b) advocates low trust societies, and that many such low trust societies have existed and continue to exist – and are all poor because of it;

    (c) that high trust societies and the wealth of high trust societies is caused the the low transaction costs, the velocity of innovation, production and trade that higher ethical standards of the high trust wealthy societies make use of;

    (d) that humans traded pervasive violence, theft, unethical and immoral action, for the state’s high cost – willingly and desirably. And they were wise to. They traded high transaction costs, for high costs, and benefitted from that adoption, everywhere that they did so. Albeit is always generated consequential predation they prefer it to the alternative;

    (e) that it is not rational for individuals to prefer to choose to regress into lower trust, higher transaction cost societies such as those recommended by rothbard’s intersubjectively verifiable property (IVP) definition, and non aggression principle (NAP) ensconce;

    (f) that rothbard’s IVP&NAP of necessity, and incontrovertibly, expressly legalize unethical and immoral actions;

    (g) that it is non rational for people to abandon their use of violence to suppress unethical and immoral actions – especially given the human instinctual preference for punishment of ‘cheaters’ even at dramatic personal cost. And the biological necessity of any cooperative organism to demonstrate that punishment of ‘cheaters’ even if at high cost;

    (h) that the elimination of the state, and the near elimination of the state was only accomplished by the opposite means, by northern european peoples, by the near total suppression of all free riding in all forms including within the Absolute Nuclear Family, and between families, in the form of total suppression of criminal, unethical, immoral, conspiratorial behavior, and requiring that that all members of the polity contribute to production, rather than engage in any actions, including any trades and exchanges, that did not contribute to production. Property is the consequence of the prohibition on free-riding in all it’s forms, and the more complex the society the more opportunity for free riding is caused by expanding anonymity and ignorance. And the more opportunity the more suppression of new means of free riding is necessary.

    (i) that it was only with the immoral use of credit by private sector loans to the state, that the states were able to finance state conquest of the the only free societies ever to exist;

    (j) that suppression of free riding in all its forms is not, as rothbardians advocate, an entreaty to the state, as long as the definition of property as a positive assertion, and the definition of free riding as a negative assertion are sufficiently articulated as the basis of community rights under the common law, adjudicable by an independent judiciary. Quite the contrary, humans demonstrate high demand for the state wherever unethical and immoral rules are not codified in the law, and therefore open to dispute resolution by private means. Instead, the definition of property as a positive assertion and the prohibition of free riding as a negative assertion must sufficiently suppress the means of all conflict to the degree that any group of human beings will voluntarily choose an anarchic polity over that of statist polity.

    … it therefore the begs the question why one would continue to advocate a failed, immoral, irrational, impossible ideology, that has demonstrably failed in the market, has harmed the brand of liberty, has damaged the brand of libertarianism, and has damaged the population by misleading them in an immoral and impossible direction, and failing to resist the expansionary state in the interim. The opportunity cost has been tragic. And if not for conservative obstructionism would would have been even worse.

    So, since it is ONLY rationally, and by the evidence possible, to construct a voluntary anarchic polity by suppression of nearly all free riding in the forms of criminal, unethical, immoral, conspiratorial, actions, and requiring production in all actions open to possible dispute, the question remains why one would advocate an impossible, unethical, immoral, damaging program of ideology that had demonstrably failed in the market for moral social orders.

    That is, unless one is an advocate of unethical, immoral social orders. And that would mean that one was an unethical and immoral man.

    Adapt. Adapt or continue to fail, and bear the consequences of that failure.

    1) Abandon Rothbard’s failed, unethical, immoral, and impossible program.

    2) Adopt Ron Paul’s message of moral classical liberalism.

    3) Adopt Hoppe’s Intellectual program for the construction of institutional alternatives to monopoly bureaucracy.

    4) Adopt Propertarianism’s extensions of Hoppe’s ethics for the basis of the common law and an independent private judiciary.

    If one does not know one’s actions are unethical and immoral he can be forgiven. We all err. But once confronted with one’s unethical and immoral actions, one must either change them or be prosecuted and persecuted as unethical and immoral by all ethical and moral individuals for the unethical and immoral ideology he advocates.

    Humans are not kind to the unethical and immoral.

    Neither are the fates.

    Curt Doolittle

    The Propertarian Institute

    Kiev, Ukraine


    Source date (UTC): 2014-05-02 14:53:00 UTC

  • AND CALCULABILITY NOT ARBITRARY MORALITY John. Good piece. Although, I’m critica

    http://www.johnmccaskey.com/joomla/index.php/blog/71-new-libertariansEXCHANGE AND CALCULABILITY NOT ARBITRARY MORALITY

    John.

    Good piece. Although, I’m critical of philosophical pretense in social justice as much as I am in the market.

    If any judgment is beyond our perception, and any concept of social justice is, then we must, as in all other matters where complexity exceeds our perception, develop some kind of instrumentation and means of calculation such that we can reduce that which we cannot perceive, to some analogy to experience that we can perceive. Moral rules are not sufficient for achieving that kind of instrumentation, or performing that kind of calculation. The problem requires formal institutions and means of calculation. We have the market for cooperating on means even if we disagree on ends. We have the government for forcing cooperation on means and ends by majority rule. We have accounting to assist us in the perception of that which we cannot possibly grasp without it. And we have economics to attempt to measure our success. But we have no such instrumentation and means of calculating social justice – or even defining such a thing as social justice. (Which current psychologists and economists suspect is reducible to status seeking, and insurance against risk, and nothing more.)

    While we might continue in the methods of the past, and attempt to concoct yet another empty incalculable moralism for the purported common good, these are value judgements and nothing more. They are incalculable. Most of the post-enlightenment effort has considered society a monopoly, in contrast to the pre-enlightenment condition of most urban cities, as federations of minorities denied access to political power, and forced to compete outside of politics, in the market. So the idea of social justice is an artifact of monopoly democracy rather than a federation of disparate interests.

    However, libertarians rightly argue that the only moral test is that of voluntary exchange free of violent coercion. I argue that this ‘test’ is incorrect, since no in-group human organizations demonstrate that low a level of trust, And instead all groups demonstrate and require higher standards of trust, tah also forbid free riding, deception, cheating, as well as burdening other group members indirectly. However, whether we accept a low trust society and high demand for external authority that low trust societies demonstrate, or a high trust society and the low demand for external authority that high trust societies demonstrate, the underlying argument that the only test of moral action is voluntary exchange. So the effort that political philosophers left, libertarian and right have expended under the universalist assumption of the enlightenment has been to find some justification for moral decision making even if the knowledge to make such decisions is impossible both in the market, and afterward, using the profits created from the market.

    The question instead, is how to construct institutions with which groups can conduct voluntary exchanges, which are by definition moral. Majority rule does not allow this. Majority rule is sufficient for the selection of priorities in homogenous polities with homogenous interests. The market is the means by which heterogeneous polities cooperate on means despite different interests on ends. But how can we construct an institutional system that allows the construction of commons, and other exchanges between groups and classes, but is not dependent upon a monopoly bureaucracy, majority rule, or representatives open to influence, special interest, and corruption? Because a government of contracts, not laws, would allow the exchange of say, adherence to traditions and norms, or requirements for married families in order to obtain redistribution. This would make government a means of cooperation rather than the source and facilitator of conflict.

    Cheers

    Curt Doolittle

    The Propertarian Institute

    Kiev

    http://www.johnmccaskey.com/joomla/index.php/blog/71-new-libertarians


    Source date (UTC): 2014-04-30 13:48:00 UTC

  • WHICH IS THE BASIS OF SOCIAL ORDER: THE PROHIBITION ON FREE RIDING VS THE PROMOT

    WHICH IS THE BASIS OF SOCIAL ORDER: THE PROHIBITION ON FREE RIDING VS THE PROMOTION OF PRIVATE PROPERTY

    (worth repeating)

    If I am right, and I think I am, then we just look at private property incorrectly because it’s a positive assertion. But the negative assertion is more informative: free riding. Because it is free riding that mirrors the human moral instincts that evolved with us because they were necessary for cooperation. And while we can suppress free riding (and parasitism) and obtain private property as a defense against the state, in order to form a polity we must also suppress unethical and immoral conduct so that we do not have demand for the state. And to form an anarchic polity free of the state, we must further suppress conspiracy and statism so that those who desire to free ride cannot band together to do so. As such, ‘private property’ is not the basis for society, but the basis for the voluntary organization of, and execution of, production. The suppression of free riding then, is the basis for society, and private property is one of its byproducts. Instead of only codifying private property in law, if we restate all moral instincts as property rights, then we can construct a legal code that mirrors completely the human moral code, and one which, allows both the resolution of differences over property, but also eliminates demand for the state, as well as forbids the formation of a state (monopoly). In this sense, morality, stated as a prohibition on free riding, is the basis for the velocity of cooperation, private property is the basis of the voluntary structure of production, prohibition on unethical and immoral conduct is the basis for a polity, and prohibition on conspiracy to construct a monopoly is the basis for anarchy. And altogether this full spectrum of prohibitions on free riding, delivers us to liberty and the maximum opportunity for prosperity.

    I think this is the correct analysis.


    Source date (UTC): 2014-04-29 02:40:00 UTC