Theme: Productivity

  • {Labor} -vs- {Calculating, Organizing, Negotiating, Risking}.

    (important) [L]abor itself is trivial in its contribution to value compared with the organization of production, and the organization of the institutions that make possible the organization of production at scale. We get more paid for calculating than laboring, more for organizing than calculating, more for negotiating than organizing, more for risking the accumulated results of laboring, calculating, organizing, negotiating, and risking more than for negotiating. Man does not need to persuade the physical world to choose from a multitude of options according to preference. The physical world cannot choose. Man can. And it is convincing large numbers of people to chose to produce some set of various goods and services in an enormous complex web versus choose to work toward producing some other set that is the difficult job that individuals in each layer of our hierarchy are paid more for, than the labor to force the world to change, versus the calculating, organizing, negotating, and risking that it takes man to change. Curt Doolittle The Propertarian Institute Kiev, Ukraine

  • (read it and weep) ***Pareto Distributions are a Consequence of Nash Equilibrium

    (read it and weep)

    ***Pareto Distributions are a Consequence of Nash Equilibriums***

    You cannot create Nash equilibriums and Pareto distributions if you attempt to create Pareto distributions (involuntary redistributions) at the expense of Nash equilibriums.

    Nash equilibriums (pairing off = voluntary exchanges = sovereignty.)

    Pareto Distributions (80/20,80/20,80/20….) result from sovereignty, voluntary exchanges, desirability(oppy), ability(utility), and knowledge(advantage).

    Pareto distributions without sovereignty and pairing off, can only be constructed by authority (violence). And these are…. not constructed by voluntary exchange, desirability, ability, and knowledge, but by corruption, nepotism, and favoritism.

    We can produce Pareto distributions by creating nash equilibriums if we charge fees for market transactions (taxes).

    But the question then becomes why should that revenue from the production of Pareto distributions using nash equilibriums made necessary by sovereignty and its institutions: natural, judge discovered, common, law, be allocated by monopoly rather than market decisions?

    This is the question. Why must we, in a mixed economy, rely upon the monopoly provision of commons under majoritarian democracy, rather than the market provision of commons under a multi-house market for commons limited by juridical dissent?


    Source date (UTC): 2016-09-28 06:56:00 UTC

  • COO : WAYS OF RUNNING OPERATIONS PROFESSOR You view every person and every goal

    COO : WAYS OF RUNNING OPERATIONS

    PROFESSOR

    You view every person and every goal as an opportunity to educate the staff so that the continually improve and as a consequence the organization, it’s goods, services, and reputation improve. You manage, advise, counsel, and direct where necessary. You stay actively involved with each person and their duties. You contribute ‘suggestions’ and keep honing the organization by pushing decisions downward, while maintaining a safety net in case there are points of failure.

    When? When you are building a growth company.

    (I run operations like an MBA program. And it works. And people love it. )

    MANAGER

    You have a competent and stable team, and your primary function is to handle exceptions, and those exceptions are generally limited to the choice of how to allocate scarce resources.

    When? When you have built a stable company, but not a growth company.

    DELEGATOR

    You have people competent at performing tasks, but not yet at achieving goals. You control the planning and decision making then delegate the activities to team members, and in general, control the flow of work through the organization.

    When? When you don’t have the scale (or money) to build a team of people who can manage production without your help.

    OBSERVER

    You have competent people and you really don’t have to do anything because there is very little change in the organization over time, and little prospect of change.

    When? When there is little adaptation or innovation or change occurring in the organization and the individuals in the company merely need someone to come to in those few cases of where conflict resolution is needed.

    HARASSER

    You do not have competent talent at planning and decision making, and you are not competent at planning and decision-making, and do not know what to do, so you harass people as a means of getting information out of them the only way that you know how – precisely because you cannot get it out of them through creating value.

    When? When your company is a poor performer with a poor executive team and they cannot attract better talent for budgetary, cultural, or market segment reasons.

    ABSENTEE

    Enough said.

    When? Um. Seriously? When everyone knows the end is near but no one has the courage to shut down operations and write down the debt because it is still possible to collect a paycheck for another year.


    Source date (UTC): 2016-09-28 03:10:00 UTC

  • Information Is A Form Of Production No Different From Any Other

    –“You’ve said that you see information as a commodity and therefore lies should be punishable fraud. Could you expand on what you mean as a commodity and how you would determine what forms of “lies” (you usually say leftist pseudo-science) should be punished?”— I said I see information as a kind of production that is dumped into the commons, just as pollutants are dumped into the air, land, and water. We don’t care much if you dump clean water into the commons, or clean air into the commons, or even oxygen, and to some degree heat or cold. But why should you be able to pollute the informational commons any more than you can pollute air, land, water, or damage parks, infrastructure, buildings, and monuments? It was one when we all have equal voices in the Thang, Square, Church, or Parliament. But it becomes quite different when you can make use of Altar, Pulpit, Throne, Press, media, and entertainment. It’s very different to tell a white lie, a gray lie, a black lie, and a white, gray, or black propaganda lie. And it’s far worse if you force a legislative lie. Our civilization has been nearly conquered by the Jewish pseudoscientific, pseudo-rational, and outright falsehood movements, by the academy, media, and state, just as the ancients were conquered as much by the lies of Jewish monotheism and it’s distribution by pulpit and state. Likely with equally dark ages to follow. So how do we prevent correct it now, and prevent it in the future? Well, we make it as illegal to lie in politics as it is to commit any other kind of fraud, by removing the right to free speech and replacing it with the right to truthful speech. But why is the problem of truth and falsehood so challenging? The answer is that until approximately now, we didn’t know what ‘truth’ was any more than we knew what ‘justice’ was. What I’ve tried to do is provide a set of warranties of due diligence (which is what scientists do) that if performed means that a proposition may not be true, but it is very difficult for it knowingly to be false. IF we then simply create universal standing for matters of the commons and remove the ability of the state to intervene in matters of the commons, then people will regulate speech in the commons as rigorously as they regulate fraud in the commons. Advertisers are highly regulated, but most of us would suggest we regulate them far further. Some speech is regulated, but we could regulate it further. We used to teach grammar, logic, and rhetoric, and adding warranties of truthfulness is certainly not harder than teaching logic or geometry. And if you cannot state logic or geometry or truthfulness we have a question whether you can say anything other than what you desire, versus what is true. In my grandmother’s generation, it wasn’t uncommon for people to say “I don’t know about such things” because that was a truthful statement. Yet in pursuit of socialism, we have told generations to express opinions as if they were a truth that they understood. This attack on truth in favor of self-expression, in order to empower the incompetent classes, has been central to the anti-aristocratic strategy we incorrectly call ‘socialism’. So in brief there is absolutely no reason we cannot state in comprehensible and observable legal language the requirements for due diligence in truthfulness when speaking of matters in the commons. We do it with creating a hazard (‘fire in a theater’), and we do it with inciting a riot (‘taking advantage of mob instinct’), and we do it with libel and slander, and prior to the outlawing of judicial duels we did it even for insults. It is not clear at all that the world is a better place for our tolerance of insult, libel, slander, advertising representation, political representation, teaching of pseudosciences, and other conflationary public speech. It’s just the opposite. We’ve just endured a century of pseudoscience.

  • Information Is A Form Of Production No Different From Any Other

    –“You’ve said that you see information as a commodity and therefore lies should be punishable fraud. Could you expand on what you mean as a commodity and how you would determine what forms of “lies” (you usually say leftist pseudo-science) should be punished?”— I said I see information as a kind of production that is dumped into the commons, just as pollutants are dumped into the air, land, and water. We don’t care much if you dump clean water into the commons, or clean air into the commons, or even oxygen, and to some degree heat or cold. But why should you be able to pollute the informational commons any more than you can pollute air, land, water, or damage parks, infrastructure, buildings, and monuments? It was one when we all have equal voices in the Thang, Square, Church, or Parliament. But it becomes quite different when you can make use of Altar, Pulpit, Throne, Press, media, and entertainment. It’s very different to tell a white lie, a gray lie, a black lie, and a white, gray, or black propaganda lie. And it’s far worse if you force a legislative lie. Our civilization has been nearly conquered by the Jewish pseudoscientific, pseudo-rational, and outright falsehood movements, by the academy, media, and state, just as the ancients were conquered as much by the lies of Jewish monotheism and it’s distribution by pulpit and state. Likely with equally dark ages to follow. So how do we prevent correct it now, and prevent it in the future? Well, we make it as illegal to lie in politics as it is to commit any other kind of fraud, by removing the right to free speech and replacing it with the right to truthful speech. But why is the problem of truth and falsehood so challenging? The answer is that until approximately now, we didn’t know what ‘truth’ was any more than we knew what ‘justice’ was. What I’ve tried to do is provide a set of warranties of due diligence (which is what scientists do) that if performed means that a proposition may not be true, but it is very difficult for it knowingly to be false. IF we then simply create universal standing for matters of the commons and remove the ability of the state to intervene in matters of the commons, then people will regulate speech in the commons as rigorously as they regulate fraud in the commons. Advertisers are highly regulated, but most of us would suggest we regulate them far further. Some speech is regulated, but we could regulate it further. We used to teach grammar, logic, and rhetoric, and adding warranties of truthfulness is certainly not harder than teaching logic or geometry. And if you cannot state logic or geometry or truthfulness we have a question whether you can say anything other than what you desire, versus what is true. In my grandmother’s generation, it wasn’t uncommon for people to say “I don’t know about such things” because that was a truthful statement. Yet in pursuit of socialism, we have told generations to express opinions as if they were a truth that they understood. This attack on truth in favor of self-expression, in order to empower the incompetent classes, has been central to the anti-aristocratic strategy we incorrectly call ‘socialism’. So in brief there is absolutely no reason we cannot state in comprehensible and observable legal language the requirements for due diligence in truthfulness when speaking of matters in the commons. We do it with creating a hazard (‘fire in a theater’), and we do it with inciting a riot (‘taking advantage of mob instinct’), and we do it with libel and slander, and prior to the outlawing of judicial duels we did it even for insults. It is not clear at all that the world is a better place for our tolerance of insult, libel, slander, advertising representation, political representation, teaching of pseudosciences, and other conflationary public speech. It’s just the opposite. We’ve just endured a century of pseudoscience.

  • Basic Income

    There is no problem with paying dividends on the economy. I don’t see why that’s a problem. But every time I do the math I come to the same conclusion: that surpluses sufficient to create a marginal difference in the quality of life of the individuals are not possible. In other words, it’s pretty much impossible to implement a basic income scheme. What is possible is to provide chaotic windfalls, and distribute liquidity through to consumers. The data just hold up under that.

  • Basic Income

    There is no problem with paying dividends on the economy. I don’t see why that’s a problem. But every time I do the math I come to the same conclusion: that surpluses sufficient to create a marginal difference in the quality of life of the individuals are not possible. In other words, it’s pretty much impossible to implement a basic income scheme. What is possible is to provide chaotic windfalls, and distribute liquidity through to consumers. The data just hold up under that.

  • Q&a: What Do You Mean By The Disproportionate Value Of Cooperation?

    No matter how hard 100 men work independently they can never achieve what that can cooperatively. And if they fight instead then the difference in assets between conflict and cooperation produces a measurement of the value of cooperation. Or to fall back on Adam smith. A division of labor between ten is not ten times the productivity of on man but ten thousand times the productivity of one man. Ergo, cooperation is so rewarding that it is not only impossible to survive without it but impossible to compete without it and foolish to exist without it.

  • Q&a: What Do You Mean By The Disproportionate Value Of Cooperation?

    No matter how hard 100 men work independently they can never achieve what that can cooperatively. And if they fight instead then the difference in assets between conflict and cooperation produces a measurement of the value of cooperation. Or to fall back on Adam smith. A division of labor between ten is not ten times the productivity of on man but ten thousand times the productivity of one man. Ergo, cooperation is so rewarding that it is not only impossible to survive without it but impossible to compete without it and foolish to exist without it.

  • Why Don’t We MIX Economies?

    Sep 05, 2016 12:48pm WHY IS IT THAT WE DON”T MIX ECONOMIES?

    • Military (Slavery) – labor dependent
    • Communist (Serfdom) – skill dependent
    • Democratic Socialist (freedom) – mentally dependent
    • Capitalist (liberty) – capital dependent

    If nations are smaller there are more ‘top slots’ but each having less free capital for use in corruption available. All era’s face information problems when they scale. This is ours. The answer is always the same: information and institutions.