Theme: Institution

  • Q&A: Covenant Communities?

    Q&A: CURT: HOW DO HOPPE’S COVENANT COMMUNITIES FIT WITH PROPERTARIANISM? (good piece) (for newbies especially) —“Hoppe’s advocating for so-called covenant communities seems a decent idea on paper, people establish communities based on contractual relations and setting rules based on the will of the community. Now I have seen videos of you talking about the “absolute nuclear family” and societies where everyone treated everyone the same and there was no difference between in-group and out-group trust, this seems like a rather vital part of propertarianism. Now my question is, does the idea of covenant communities fit within the propertarian framework? Because while it seems a decent idea, it does certainly look like it would create a major difference between in-group treatment and out-group treatment, seeing as these communities could, and probably would, have vastly different rules than the one next to them, so to say. Do you see covenant communities as an extension of Rothbardian ghetto/gypsy/Jewish ethics, or have I totally misunderstood either you or Hoppe?”— GREAT QUESTION. This is such a great question. Thank you for it. – Preamble – I consider myself a Hoppeian (although Hans would likely differ) in that all ethics and politics can be expressed as property rights. Part of what I tried to do in propertarianism was illustrate how the three empirical-rational cultures: English Empirical, German Rational, and Jewish Pseudoscientific, (and I suppose we could include the frech-pseudo-moral), tried to restate their group evolutionary strategy as universal ethics and politics – and all failed. So what you see is rothbard attempting to universalize jewish law, and cosmopolitan pseudoscience (of separatist disasporic people), hoppe attempting to universalize german rationalism (of homogeneous agrarian landed people), and me trying to use anglo-saxon empirical contractualism (of a trading naval people) as a universal – within which we can construct a variety of orders. So when my work differs from Hoppe’s it differs largely in the fact that he relies on’ justificationary rationalism’ (tests of internal consistency and subjective non-contradiction) using intersubjectively verifiable property as the basis for common law, and I rely on ‘testimonialism’ which is an advancement over scientific empiricism, for reasons that are complicated – but which are reducible to adding the tests of existential possibility when describing human actions, and the requirement for full accounting, assuming that man is NOT naturally moral, but naturally rational, and will choose immoral-unethical or moral-ethical actions based purely on intuitionistic estimation of costs and benefits. That paragraph is extremely loaded, (dense) with meaning. I would point you to my introductory writings to understand it if you need to. But in simple terms, that means that I consider my work a SCIENTIFIC restatement of hoppe’s reduction of all ethical, moral, political decidability to expressions of property rights, and the first cause of property rights non imposition of costs upon the property in toto of others that would cause them to retaliate in ANY way – this is in fact (as Butler Schaeffer has tried to show us) the meaning of ‘natural law’. Hoppe constructs his anarchism (german rule of law) on the lower standard of intersubjectively verifiable property, and fully voluntary production of commons. I construct my rule of law (anglo anarchism) on the higher standard of property-in-toto, and creating a market for the voluntary exchange of commons – much more like the stock market which is competitive, rather than the current houses of government which are monopolies. The reason I do this is because the west beat the rest with commons production – truth-telling, private-property, sovereignty, rule of law, and militia chief among them. The other reason is that communities that do not produce commons across the spectrum: normative, ethical, moral, legal, institutional, martial, and territorial, NEVER survive competition from competitors. because they cannot. They cannot positively because it is always preferable to give up liberties in order to obtain predictabilities needed for complex commercial production. They cannot Negatively because the only individuals suitabe for a lower trust polity based upon several property and lacking commons are thieves, pirates, and other predators. And so external groups always exterminate them. So anarchic polities without commons cannot survive. And this is evidenced by jews themselves, gypsies, and the hundreds of other societies that have been out-gunned, out-steeled, out-germed, out-bred, out-farmed, out-traded, and generally ‘out-civilized’. What we see with Rothbard and Hoppe’s higher standard, and my higher standard, is that Rothbard brings Jewish ethics of diasporic people, who want to privatize (parasitically consume) the commons that preserves parasitism via deception but prevents retaliation against it; Hoppe’s separatist ethics of the protestant evangelists who want to construct private commons only (civic society) but prevent all free riding (the opposite of Rothbard’s strategy) and my (Doolittle’s) imperial ethics (rule of law) that prohibits parasitism entirely. I might state it less charitably, as Rothbard and the cosmopolitans, Hoppe and the germans, and the enlightenment anglo-Americans all failed to solve the problem of creating a market for commons instead of a monopoly bureaucracy for the production of commons (anglo/german/french) and the civic production of commons (Hoppe). Whereas what I have tried to do is create a market for commons as the old English houses created, but failed to expand both on the enfranchisement of non-land owners (non-business owners, and those with diasporic or naval interests) and the enfranchisement of women (who have polar opposite ethics from the males entirely and want to marry the ‘state’ or ‘tribe’ again – obviating them from exchanging sex and care with males for survival.) So propertarianism includes covenant communities, but the standard by which these contracts are judged in matters of conflict is by property in toto: complete, not partial, non-parasitism. The anarchic model of Rothbard and Hoppe does not survive competition. That’s why it won’t work. Property rights are not something we ‘have’ but something we obtain ONLY in trade. The same is true for the survival of an anarchic community: you cannot choose a community by will, but by incentives. You do not choose the incentives, they are chosen for you by the nature of man. Civilization – complex cooperation outwitting the dark forces of time and ignorance – is the result of the incremental suppression of parasitism in all its forms by genetic, normative, ethical, moral, traditional, legal, political, and economic means: eugenics. When we remove all parasitism, what we are left with is truth, property, liberty, knowledge, and cooperation. And those are the torches that give us the time to light the darkness and eventually transcend into the gods we seek. Curt Doolittle The Propertarian Institute Kiev, Ukraine

  • Q&A: Covenant Communities?

    Q&A: CURT: HOW DO HOPPE’S COVENANT COMMUNITIES FIT WITH PROPERTARIANISM? (good piece) (for newbies especially) —“Hoppe’s advocating for so-called covenant communities seems a decent idea on paper, people establish communities based on contractual relations and setting rules based on the will of the community. Now I have seen videos of you talking about the “absolute nuclear family” and societies where everyone treated everyone the same and there was no difference between in-group and out-group trust, this seems like a rather vital part of propertarianism. Now my question is, does the idea of covenant communities fit within the propertarian framework? Because while it seems a decent idea, it does certainly look like it would create a major difference between in-group treatment and out-group treatment, seeing as these communities could, and probably would, have vastly different rules than the one next to them, so to say. Do you see covenant communities as an extension of Rothbardian ghetto/gypsy/Jewish ethics, or have I totally misunderstood either you or Hoppe?”— GREAT QUESTION. This is such a great question. Thank you for it. – Preamble – I consider myself a Hoppeian (although Hans would likely differ) in that all ethics and politics can be expressed as property rights. Part of what I tried to do in propertarianism was illustrate how the three empirical-rational cultures: English Empirical, German Rational, and Jewish Pseudoscientific, (and I suppose we could include the frech-pseudo-moral), tried to restate their group evolutionary strategy as universal ethics and politics – and all failed. So what you see is rothbard attempting to universalize jewish law, and cosmopolitan pseudoscience (of separatist disasporic people), hoppe attempting to universalize german rationalism (of homogeneous agrarian landed people), and me trying to use anglo-saxon empirical contractualism (of a trading naval people) as a universal – within which we can construct a variety of orders. So when my work differs from Hoppe’s it differs largely in the fact that he relies on’ justificationary rationalism’ (tests of internal consistency and subjective non-contradiction) using intersubjectively verifiable property as the basis for common law, and I rely on ‘testimonialism’ which is an advancement over scientific empiricism, for reasons that are complicated – but which are reducible to adding the tests of existential possibility when describing human actions, and the requirement for full accounting, assuming that man is NOT naturally moral, but naturally rational, and will choose immoral-unethical or moral-ethical actions based purely on intuitionistic estimation of costs and benefits. That paragraph is extremely loaded, (dense) with meaning. I would point you to my introductory writings to understand it if you need to. But in simple terms, that means that I consider my work a SCIENTIFIC restatement of hoppe’s reduction of all ethical, moral, political decidability to expressions of property rights, and the first cause of property rights non imposition of costs upon the property in toto of others that would cause them to retaliate in ANY way – this is in fact (as Butler Schaeffer has tried to show us) the meaning of ‘natural law’. Hoppe constructs his anarchism (german rule of law) on the lower standard of intersubjectively verifiable property, and fully voluntary production of commons. I construct my rule of law (anglo anarchism) on the higher standard of property-in-toto, and creating a market for the voluntary exchange of commons – much more like the stock market which is competitive, rather than the current houses of government which are monopolies. The reason I do this is because the west beat the rest with commons production – truth-telling, private-property, sovereignty, rule of law, and militia chief among them. The other reason is that communities that do not produce commons across the spectrum: normative, ethical, moral, legal, institutional, martial, and territorial, NEVER survive competition from competitors. because they cannot. They cannot positively because it is always preferable to give up liberties in order to obtain predictabilities needed for complex commercial production. They cannot Negatively because the only individuals suitabe for a lower trust polity based upon several property and lacking commons are thieves, pirates, and other predators. And so external groups always exterminate them. So anarchic polities without commons cannot survive. And this is evidenced by jews themselves, gypsies, and the hundreds of other societies that have been out-gunned, out-steeled, out-germed, out-bred, out-farmed, out-traded, and generally ‘out-civilized’. What we see with Rothbard and Hoppe’s higher standard, and my higher standard, is that Rothbard brings Jewish ethics of diasporic people, who want to privatize (parasitically consume) the commons that preserves parasitism via deception but prevents retaliation against it; Hoppe’s separatist ethics of the protestant evangelists who want to construct private commons only (civic society) but prevent all free riding (the opposite of Rothbard’s strategy) and my (Doolittle’s) imperial ethics (rule of law) that prohibits parasitism entirely. I might state it less charitably, as Rothbard and the cosmopolitans, Hoppe and the germans, and the enlightenment anglo-Americans all failed to solve the problem of creating a market for commons instead of a monopoly bureaucracy for the production of commons (anglo/german/french) and the civic production of commons (Hoppe). Whereas what I have tried to do is create a market for commons as the old English houses created, but failed to expand both on the enfranchisement of non-land owners (non-business owners, and those with diasporic or naval interests) and the enfranchisement of women (who have polar opposite ethics from the males entirely and want to marry the ‘state’ or ‘tribe’ again – obviating them from exchanging sex and care with males for survival.) So propertarianism includes covenant communities, but the standard by which these contracts are judged in matters of conflict is by property in toto: complete, not partial, non-parasitism. The anarchic model of Rothbard and Hoppe does not survive competition. That’s why it won’t work. Property rights are not something we ‘have’ but something we obtain ONLY in trade. The same is true for the survival of an anarchic community: you cannot choose a community by will, but by incentives. You do not choose the incentives, they are chosen for you by the nature of man. Civilization – complex cooperation outwitting the dark forces of time and ignorance – is the result of the incremental suppression of parasitism in all its forms by genetic, normative, ethical, moral, traditional, legal, political, and economic means: eugenics. When we remove all parasitism, what we are left with is truth, property, liberty, knowledge, and cooperation. And those are the torches that give us the time to light the darkness and eventually transcend into the gods we seek. Curt Doolittle The Propertarian Institute Kiev, Ukraine

  • Conservatism And The Central Objects Of Law, Policy, And Commons.

    Conservatism is not an individualist but a Familial strategy. In other words, the strategy is building good, self-insuring families. So conservatism eugenically suppresses weak and bad family members from the gene pool, allowing those who demonstrate a willingness to transcend their familial (genetic) weaknesses through demonstrations of heroism. So if your family is too weak you provide you with wealth it’s a measure of your genes. And you are a representative of those genes. Through actions and choices, you may transcend your family limits. Through actions and choices one can descend from a family’s achievements. There are four functions that play for and against your statement. First, the lottery effect is real and necessary (you can’t win if you don’t play) but not all people can win the lottery. This creates incentives for many at very low cost. Second capitalism pays us for the number of people who are willing to contribute to the production of goods and services. It’s purely a numbers game. Making cooking-matches and making symphonies is inversely rewarding; lots of people use cooking-matches. Third – it is extremely difficult to hold wealth over more than three generations unless you are in fact genetically superior. And that is what we see. Fourth – those families that demonstrate superiority over many generations are in fact demonstrating that they are a natural aristocracy – by any measure: and there are very few of them. THEREFORE The central object of law is the individual, since the individual acts. The central object of policy is the family. The central object of commons is the competitiveness of the polity. Insurance of various forms is a luxury we can afford or not depending on the success of the central objects of law, policy, and polity. Curt Doolittle The Philosophy of Aristocracy The Propertarian Institute Kiev, Ukraine, (And my spiritual homes: London UK, Boston, and Seattle USA) 🙂

  • Conservatism And The Central Objects Of Law, Policy, And Commons.

    Conservatism is not an individualist but a Familial strategy. In other words, the strategy is building good, self-insuring families. So conservatism eugenically suppresses weak and bad family members from the gene pool, allowing those who demonstrate a willingness to transcend their familial (genetic) weaknesses through demonstrations of heroism. So if your family is too weak you provide you with wealth it’s a measure of your genes. And you are a representative of those genes. Through actions and choices, you may transcend your family limits. Through actions and choices one can descend from a family’s achievements. There are four functions that play for and against your statement. First, the lottery effect is real and necessary (you can’t win if you don’t play) but not all people can win the lottery. This creates incentives for many at very low cost. Second capitalism pays us for the number of people who are willing to contribute to the production of goods and services. It’s purely a numbers game. Making cooking-matches and making symphonies is inversely rewarding; lots of people use cooking-matches. Third – it is extremely difficult to hold wealth over more than three generations unless you are in fact genetically superior. And that is what we see. Fourth – those families that demonstrate superiority over many generations are in fact demonstrating that they are a natural aristocracy – by any measure: and there are very few of them. THEREFORE The central object of law is the individual, since the individual acts. The central object of policy is the family. The central object of commons is the competitiveness of the polity. Insurance of various forms is a luxury we can afford or not depending on the success of the central objects of law, policy, and polity. Curt Doolittle The Philosophy of Aristocracy The Propertarian Institute Kiev, Ukraine, (And my spiritual homes: London UK, Boston, and Seattle USA) 🙂

  • {Labor} -vs- {Calculating, Organizing, Negotiating, Risking}.

    (important) [L]abor itself is trivial in its contribution to value compared with the organization of production, and the organization of the institutions that make possible the organization of production at scale. We get more paid for calculating than laboring, more for organizing than calculating, more for negotiating than organizing, more for risking the accumulated results of laboring, calculating, organizing, negotiating, and risking more than for negotiating. Man does not need to persuade the physical world to choose from a multitude of options according to preference. The physical world cannot choose. Man can. And it is convincing large numbers of people to chose to produce some set of various goods and services in an enormous complex web versus choose to work toward producing some other set that is the difficult job that individuals in each layer of our hierarchy are paid more for, than the labor to force the world to change, versus the calculating, organizing, negotating, and risking that it takes man to change. Curt Doolittle The Propertarian Institute Kiev, Ukraine

  • {Labor} -vs- {Calculating, Organizing, Negotiating, Risking}.

    (important) [L]abor itself is trivial in its contribution to value compared with the organization of production, and the organization of the institutions that make possible the organization of production at scale. We get more paid for calculating than laboring, more for organizing than calculating, more for negotiating than organizing, more for risking the accumulated results of laboring, calculating, organizing, negotiating, and risking more than for negotiating. Man does not need to persuade the physical world to choose from a multitude of options according to preference. The physical world cannot choose. Man can. And it is convincing large numbers of people to chose to produce some set of various goods and services in an enormous complex web versus choose to work toward producing some other set that is the difficult job that individuals in each layer of our hierarchy are paid more for, than the labor to force the world to change, versus the calculating, organizing, negotating, and risking that it takes man to change. Curt Doolittle The Propertarian Institute Kiev, Ukraine

  • genetic, familial, normative, cultural, institutional, monumental(artistic), ter

    … genetic, familial, normative, cultural, institutional, monumental(artistic), territorial, civilizational capital.


    Source date (UTC): 2016-09-30 08:15:23 UTC

    Original post: https://twitter.com/i/web/status/781769395060310016

    Reply addressees: @JoshZumbrun

    Replying to: https://twitter.com/i/web/status/781157309145686016


    IN REPLY TO:

    @JoshZumbrun

    This is one of the most horrifying graphics I’ve ever seen:
    https://t.co/wM0VJZn0Wg https://t.co/qaUaNFtRPl

    Original post: https://twitter.com/i/web/status/781157309145686016

  • (5).. Small homogenous neighborhoods, city states, nation states are durable ins

    …(5).. Small homogenous neighborhoods, city states, nation states are durable institutions. Hyper consumptive empires burn ..


    Source date (UTC): 2016-09-30 08:13:59 UTC

    Original post: https://twitter.com/i/web/status/781769045783744512

    Reply addressees: @JoshZumbrun

    Replying to: https://twitter.com/i/web/status/781157309145686016


    IN REPLY TO:

    @JoshZumbrun

    This is one of the most horrifying graphics I’ve ever seen:
    https://t.co/wM0VJZn0Wg https://t.co/qaUaNFtRPl

    Original post: https://twitter.com/i/web/status/781157309145686016

  • I thought I mentioned them all the time. It’s because I work in formal instituti

    I thought I mentioned them all the time. It’s because I work in formal institutions and German ideas are cultural not institutional


    Source date (UTC): 2016-09-29 08:08:28 UTC

    Original post: https://twitter.com/i/web/status/781405270274613248

    Reply addressees: @Ava1683

    Replying to: https://twitter.com/i/web/status/781206888826310656


    IN REPLY TO:

    @Glanceaustere

    @curtdoolittle High Trust Contiential Germanics? you don’t seem to mention them very often, though they number in tens of millions

    Original post: https://twitter.com/i/web/status/781206888826310656

  • THE ORIGIN OF THE NATION STATE The City State is a natural consequence of market

    THE ORIGIN OF THE NATION STATE

    The City State is a natural consequence of markets, and the enforced dominion of some set of rules in order to gain access to the benefits that market.

    The Nation State is a declared, involuntary, genetic and cultural empire enforcing dominion over city states and surrounding territories. The empire is a cross genetic and cultural involuntary organization, enforcing dominion over all political orders in a territory ostensibly for the common good – and in many ways the claim is true.

    Prior to the nation state, multi-ethnic, military, legislative, and commercial, empires, usually ruled by a monarch from the dominant ethnic group, were the common form of cultural, economic, political, and military organization.

    As markets expanded, and wealth expanded, and ‘cognizance’ of the greater world expanded “as an inadvertent byproduct of 15th-century intellectual discoveries in political economy, capitalism, mercantilism, political geography, and geography combined together with cartography and advances in map-making technologies.” Or stated differently, accounting, record keeping, literacy, and map making made people aware of both their competitors and their economic opportunities for preserving competition against them – for preserving their sovereignty. The result was somewhat of a ‘big sort’ in europe that is currently occuring in the United States, as people in the USA re-nationalize after ‘filling up’ the new continent.

    This is the positive, romantic, or ‘opportunistic’ side of the story. But the other side of the story is negative, pragmatic, and defensive.

    The modern Nation State was invented by Napoleon for use in funding his invention of Total War. The Nation State evolved everywhere else in response to Napoleon’s invention of total war: either as a defense against it, or as a siezure of opportunity to replicate it.

    Before Napoleon, only tropical empires could marshall the resources necessary for sustained expansionary conquest and control. Napoleon was the first European to successfully bring Oriental Despotism to Europe with the same level of mobilization of the populace as the Egyptians, Babylonians, and Chinese had been able to do, due given their relative ease of controlling irrigation by flooding of rivers and concentrated production, compared to small farms distributed over large territories with distributed production in what we call Christendom (Europa major).

    The combination of Post-Templar Self-Defended Credit, in the form of Jewish-Credit Under State Protection, superior methods of record keeping (accounting), the increases in agrarian and mechanical production in Europe due to the second ‘agrarian revolution’, produced in no small part through rapid expansion of literacy and print, and the windfalls from the transfer of trade from the Mediterranean to the Atlantic, and the ability to manufacture muskets in vast numbers thereby eliminating the advantage of a professional warrior class made a Napoleon possible – but only because of the backwardness of the French Monarchy, which, like the church, had stagnated in comparison to her faster-evolving neighbors.

    This combination of extremely backward governance, and extreme opportunity to mobilize is usually seen only when there is an extraordinary excesses of young males lacking opportunities for income and sex. But when combined with extraordinary credit and community license to restructure all of society by violence, the momentum of the movement created an opportunity for despotism equal to that which had been available in the ancient river empires.

    As far as I know this is the origin of the second phase of the nation state: total war. The technological ability to organize distributed production under the same level of control as concentrated flood river production.

    To take this further we must also address cosmopolitan universalism on the one hand(Profits for Some), and the clash of civilizations on the other (Norms for All).


    Source date (UTC): 2016-09-29 03:35:00 UTC