Theme: Governance

  • What Examples Are There Of Libertarianism In Practice Failing?

    There have been very few ‘libertarian’ societies, and those that we have examples are are actually under the protection of some larger entity (iceland/denmark). 

    Various small seasteading efforts have been started.  But they have all been failures because there is insufficient economic incentive and value to these places.

    Libertarianism in the formal sense, was developed by Rothbard as an ideological resistance movement. As were most of the liberty movements of the postwar and great society periods.  I am not sure it’s arguable that it was not in practice an institutional model but an argument against institutional models.

    Libertarianism, has been an ideological failure because his ethics were intolerable to too much of the population, just as Marxism, libertarianism’s opposite, is intolerable to most of the population.

    The anarcho capitalist research program is attempting to find solutions to the problem of monopoly bureaucracy’s deterministic recreation of the totalitarian state.  As a research program it’s been fruitful. And it is arguable that it’s possible to create a Hoppeian Private government.  Even if not possible to create an anarchic society.

    It may be possible to replace the bureaucratic monopoly state at some future date if we complete this intellectual exercise.

    But at present, prospects are dim, because the intellectual work has not been sufficiently completed that it presents a viable social and economic alternative to the nation-state.

    Curt

    https://www.quora.com/What-examples-are-there-of-libertarianism-in-practice-failing

  • What Examples Are There Of Libertarianism In Practice Failing?

    There have been very few ‘libertarian’ societies, and those that we have examples are are actually under the protection of some larger entity (iceland/denmark). 

    Various small seasteading efforts have been started.  But they have all been failures because there is insufficient economic incentive and value to these places.

    Libertarianism in the formal sense, was developed by Rothbard as an ideological resistance movement. As were most of the liberty movements of the postwar and great society periods.  I am not sure it’s arguable that it was not in practice an institutional model but an argument against institutional models.

    Libertarianism, has been an ideological failure because his ethics were intolerable to too much of the population, just as Marxism, libertarianism’s opposite, is intolerable to most of the population.

    The anarcho capitalist research program is attempting to find solutions to the problem of monopoly bureaucracy’s deterministic recreation of the totalitarian state.  As a research program it’s been fruitful. And it is arguable that it’s possible to create a Hoppeian Private government.  Even if not possible to create an anarchic society.

    It may be possible to replace the bureaucratic monopoly state at some future date if we complete this intellectual exercise.

    But at present, prospects are dim, because the intellectual work has not been sufficiently completed that it presents a viable social and economic alternative to the nation-state.

    Curt

    https://www.quora.com/What-examples-are-there-of-libertarianism-in-practice-failing

  • Political Science: What Is A Minimalist State?

    Minimal is a subjective term depending upon the perceived necessity of the person making the judgement.  That said, by using the term ‘state’ not government, it is possible to list what is the minimum requirement.

    1) A means of controlling the ability to define rules of behavior in a territory. Usually stated as a territorial monopoly of violence.  Generally this requires warriors. (always, actually)
    2) Some form of leadership – one to many.
    3) A bureaucracy to enforce decisions and to police resistance.
    4) Technically, writing for the purpose of keeping records and inventories.
    5)  A means of collecting revenue that will pay for the administrators.
    6) A set of norms that people obey under the threat of ostracization from opportunities that keeps the cost of administration down to tolerable levels.
    7) A division of labor.
    8) A population

    Not positive. Need to think a bit.  But I’m pretty sure that’s the minimum for a state.   A state is different from a government.   A state is a bad thing. A government can be a good thing.

    https://www.quora.com/Political-Science-What-is-a-minimalist-state

  • What Are Some Real Life Examples Of Anarchy On A Large Scale?

    There are none that involve a division of knowledge and labor.  The reason being that human beings are extremely hostile to involuntary transfers, and most humans perceive price competition via the local market – as members of an extended family – as involuntary transfer. They percieve quality variation as acceptable but not price competition.   They are correct in this perception, however. This involuntary transfer creates a virtuous cycle of innovation and price reduction, and greater participation in the market by consumers because of it, so we sanction this involuntary transfer by casting it as a virtue.

    Secondly, increasing the size of a market requires shared investment. People need a means of making this shared investment.  However, people will not make a shared investment if it is open to privatization. Governmnets have the ability to forcibly extract taxes from the market to use to construct infrastructure (largely, city walls and soldiers to defend them) as well as misuse tax money.  But they also have the ability to create legislative directions, which we call laws, to forbid privatization and free riding of these investments. As such these institutions (governments) make it easier to invest in commons (infrastructure) than would be possible without them, due to the pervasive nature of human free-riding, privatization and corruption.

    It is arguable that taxes (fees) of some minimum amount are legitimate fees for preventing free riding on the commons.  However, it has proven very difficult to control the expansion of the commons and the government, and therefore taxes.  As such governments have become instruments of rent-seeking and corruption every time humans have invented them for the purpose of avoiding free-riding and privatization.

    This should be the correct, or at least, most correct answer that we currently know how to provide to the near absence of anarchic social structures: to prevent free riding, which all humans find morally objectionable.

    https://www.quora.com/What-are-some-real-life-examples-of-anarchy-on-a-large-scale

  • Fascism: What Are The Indicators Of A Fascist State?

    Your question is worded oddly. One could define a Fascist state. We can enumerate the properties of fascist states.  By use of the term ‘indicators’ you imply that either this convention isn’t something you’re familiar with, or that you are trying to establish the properties of a state that describe a trend.  If the former, then that’s possible. If the latter, it is very difficult to argue that any given policy is fascist versus a simple example of retaliatory trade policy.

    Fascism is the pursuit of Autarky (economic and resource indepenence) under a corporation called the state, which represents an extended tribe of people (nation) by direct intervention with industry and trade to give preference to autarkic exchanges despite pricing signals that would normally instruct members of any given industry to operate efficiently by buying by price alone.

    Fascism is merger of the state and industry such that industry adopts autarkic pricing, buying within the country, rather than market pricing.  This is what it means. That this political agenda has been accomplished by all manner of propaganda is not material, since all political efforts are accomplished by propaganda and some appeal to nationalism. People attach a great deal of emotional load to the term that is not relevant.  So it is easy to fail to understand this strategy.

    https://www.quora.com/Fascism-What-are-the-indicators-of-a-fascist-state

  • What Are Some Real Life Examples Of Anarchy On A Large Scale?

    There are none that involve a division of knowledge and labor.  The reason being that human beings are extremely hostile to involuntary transfers, and most humans perceive price competition via the local market – as members of an extended family – as involuntary transfer. They percieve quality variation as acceptable but not price competition.   They are correct in this perception, however. This involuntary transfer creates a virtuous cycle of innovation and price reduction, and greater participation in the market by consumers because of it, so we sanction this involuntary transfer by casting it as a virtue.

    Secondly, increasing the size of a market requires shared investment. People need a means of making this shared investment.  However, people will not make a shared investment if it is open to privatization. Governmnets have the ability to forcibly extract taxes from the market to use to construct infrastructure (largely, city walls and soldiers to defend them) as well as misuse tax money.  But they also have the ability to create legislative directions, which we call laws, to forbid privatization and free riding of these investments. As such these institutions (governments) make it easier to invest in commons (infrastructure) than would be possible without them, due to the pervasive nature of human free-riding, privatization and corruption.

    It is arguable that taxes (fees) of some minimum amount are legitimate fees for preventing free riding on the commons.  However, it has proven very difficult to control the expansion of the commons and the government, and therefore taxes.  As such governments have become instruments of rent-seeking and corruption every time humans have invented them for the purpose of avoiding free-riding and privatization.

    This should be the correct, or at least, most correct answer that we currently know how to provide to the near absence of anarchic social structures: to prevent free riding, which all humans find morally objectionable.

    https://www.quora.com/What-are-some-real-life-examples-of-anarchy-on-a-large-scale

  • THE DEMOCRATIC HUMANITARIAN RELIGION MASQUERADING AS A POLITICAL MODEL VS ISLAMI

    THE DEMOCRATIC HUMANITARIAN RELIGION MASQUERADING AS A POLITICAL MODEL VS ISLAMIC TOTALITARIANISM MASQUERADING AS A RELIGION.

    (And aristocracy, liberty and reason a casualty of their mysticisms.)

    “The many varieties of Socialism, Syndicalism, Radicalism,Tolstoyism, pacifism, humanitarianism, Solidarism, and so on, form a sum that may be said to belong to the democratic religion, much as there was a sum of numberless sects in the early days of the Christian religion. We are now witnessing the rise and dominance of the democratic religion just as the men of the first centuries of our era witnessed the rise of the Christian religion and the beginnings of its dominion. The two phenomena present many significant analogies.

    …. The social value of both those two religions lies not in the least in their respective theologies, but in the sentiments that they express. As regards determining the social value of Marxism, to know whether Marx’s theory of “surplus value” is false or true is about as important as knowing whether and how baptism eradicates sin in trying to determine the social value of Christianity–and that is of no importance at all.”


    Source date (UTC): 2013-03-24 09:51:00 UTC

  • PROPERTARIANISM (FOR WIKI) Propertarianism is an ethical discipline within liber

    PROPERTARIANISM (FOR WIKI)

    Propertarianism is an ethical discipline within libertarian philosophy that is used to advocate and justify anarchic, private, and contractual models of government as replacements for monopolistic bureaucracies organized as states.

    It is used more loosely to categorize all libertarian philosophy that gives ethical precedence to the voluntary transfer of property. The term propertarian refers both to practitioners of these ethical systems, and their arguments. Those opposed to private property may be referred to as non-propertarian or anti-propertarian.

    The term “propertarian” was used originally by critics, to refer to the nearly exclusive reliance upon property rights and private property demonstrated by anarcho-capitalist libertarians in their ethical and political arguments, in order to distinguish them from the classical liberal disposition toward liberty in the American constitutional tradition.

    In recent years the term has been used within the libertarian movement as a self-identifying label by those libertarians who rely on propertarian ethical arguments, but try to define practical political institutions in order to separate themselves from sentimental libertarians who rely on classical liberalism’s moral, allegorical, and historical arguments, as well as from members of the ideological anarcho-capitalist movement.

    The propertarian ideologies can vary from those based upon the Propertarian canon consisting of Misesian Praxeology, Rothbardian Ethics, and Hoppian Private Government, to Ayn Rand’s Objectivism, to a variety of minor thinkers.

    Libertarian philosophy, like Marxist philosophy that it was created to compete with, is a complex dogma dependent upon economic and philosophically analytical arguments that assert that voluntary transfer of private property is the only means of testing ethical arguments.

    When libertarians apply this ethical technique to political philosophy, they express it as the principle that all human rights can be reduced to property rights. And further, that the only rights it is logically possible to possess are property rights. This principle rests in turn on the proposition that respecting property is the only right that people can equally grant to one another, since property rights only require that people refrain from doing something. And while people cannot all contribute actions equally because of their differences, they all can all refrain from acting regardless of their differences.

    This line of argument is often difficult to master, and so many of the people with libertarian bias, simply resort to treating private property as sanctified, which allows them to rely upon more intuitive, emotionally loaded, and less complex moral arguments. The rise of “internet libertarianism” may reflect this simplification.


    Source date (UTC): 2013-03-21 16:46:00 UTC

  • Brian Caplan is Wrong on Immigration – Like Most Libertarians

    [T]here is nothing new about that though. (And Walter Block is wrong well.) Although I agree with Caplan’s work on education and voting, his position on immigration is ideological, not empirical or rational, and it is decidedly not ethically sound. The only test of any ethical statement is whether all transfers caused by any act, are voluntary transfers – including involuntary transfers of goods, actions and opportunity, and including both direct involuntary transfers by externality, asymmetry of knowledge, fraud, theft or violence (in that order), and including reverse involuntary transfers caused by impediment, free-riding, rent seeking, or privatization (in that order). There is no other test of any ethical statement. There isn’t. Period. Libertarian ‘self ownership’ is not an ethical statement. It is an epistemic statement, or it is a demand, or it is an appeal, but it is not an ethical statement. If any statement claims to be moral, or ethical, while at the same time, providing an excuse to conduct involuntary transfer via externality or asymmetry of knowledge, it is simply a RUSE – an act of fraud. (If you are even an amateur libertarian philosopher, then you are welcome to attempt to circumvent that argument. But you won’t be able to.) In fact, “competition” itself, as we use the term, is the normative sanction of external involuntary transfer by an artificial, counter-intuitive, set of rules we call the market, consisting of voluntary transfer of goods and services, by fully informed consensual exchange, and insured as fully informed and consensual by warranty, at the cost of opportunity and investment to other producers of similar goods, in an effort to coerce producers to innovate in their use of resources, to produce goods for all at lower price, or higher quality, in an effort to produce goods and services at the lowest cost and highest quality for all consumers participating in that set of normative rules that comprise that market, and which we in turn call ‘a society’.REGARDING: http://www.cato-unbound.org/2013/03/19/bryan-caplan/the-rights-of-the-worlds-poor-a-reply-to-hassoun/ [T]he ‘libertarian’ free trade in labor would be true if and only if there were no external costs to that labor. In other words, immigration is incompatible with redistribution. And distribution is warranted by conformity to norms. Where norms represent property rights. And therefore immigration is an act of theft by capitalists and immigrants from the middle and working classes. Certainly you would not argue that free trade in nuclear materials and nuclear waste would be a ‘good thing’? Or free trade in communicable diseases? Nuclear energy produces a temporal good, but has many negative external and largely inter-temporal consequences for the environment. Communicable diseases help provide incentives for creating medical treatments, and help us maintain relative immunity from the evolution of bacteria and viruses. But, according to Caplan and Libertarians, these externalities are not part of any equation we use to measure these things?

      Institutionally, Caplan would have to prove that the waves of Catholic and Jewish immigrants and their attacks on the constitution, rather than adapting culturally by market forces, have had no long term negative impact on the society – despite without those attacks we can empirically demonstrate that we would not have entered the ‘great society’ problem. Or that immigration of the third world has not further exacerbated these redistributive trends, away from the intertemporal savings and lending model of society which constrains risk and fragility, to the intertemporal redistribution model that encourages risk and fragility. We can DEMONSTRATE EMPIRICALLY that waves of immigrants have provided short term economic benefit for long term erosion of the property rights, homogeneity of interest, and high trust society that perpetuates those property rights as norms. We can DEMONSTRATE EMPIRICALLY that the wave of german immigrants both after the 1870’s economic crash in Europe and after the world wars, had a net positive effect on the institutions and economy of the united states, by tracing their technological contributions. Ethically, caplan would have to DEMONSTRATE that immigration enforces no uncompensated involuntary transfers. I can certainly demonstrate that open immigration forces involuntary transfers – ie: is theft. the only means of avoiding that process, is to allow individuals to immigrate under sponsorship, and to pay for insurance against the immigrant and his descendants from becoming the recipient of involuntary transfers from others. There is no other way to achieve it. This suite of errors is caused by the misperception that formal institutions rather than informal institutions, are the source of the high trust society, universalism, and individual property rights. However, we can easily demonstrate that just the opposite is true: a society without these norms, and where those norms are enforced by education and formal institutions, most specifically, the rule of law, and where political action is prohibited, forcing all competition into the market. We all bring our heritage with us. Our norms. Our values. Our metaphysics. They are not chosen rationally. They are inherited as habits from our families. Is it any wonder, any coincidence that Rothbard, Block and Caplan arem Jewish (diasporic perpetual immigrants), Hans Hoppe is German (landed tribal nationalists), and I’m an English-American (institutional imperialist)? It isn’t a mystery. We cannot escape our heritages, because within those cultural norms, assumptions and values, and even possibly, to some degree, in our genes, we hold assumptions about the natural order of man. The only way to judge those Norms, values, and metaphysics is to judge the civilizations that they produced where they were employed. We know that third world, catholic, and jewish institutions all failed to produce the universal high trust society. We know that we cannot create protestant germanic institutions outside of protestant germanic countries. Because those countries are not filled with protestant germanic norms. And those norms, and the metaphysical value judgements that they reproduce and reinforce, It was a very different thing a century ago, when our ancestors warned us about this future ‘suicide of the west’. There wasn’t any evidence that they would be right. Now that we have the evidence, the argument is not hypothetical. Our high trust society and the high trust economy will end, along with the political influence of its practitioners. Just like every other aristocratic european political system has ended. Because the high trust society, the nuclear family, universalism of the extended family, and rule of law are unnatural to man – man who seeks rents and involuntary transfers wherever he can find them in an perpetual effort to reduce the effort he must expend in order to gain or maintain a sufficient level of stimulation that we call ‘experiences’. So, what is the economic cost of that consequence? What was the cost of creating the high trust society? What was the opportunity cost of creating it? If the high trust society it is a one time event, impossible to evolve again, because of the impossibility of concordant circumstances, then the economic cost is infinite. I hope that gets my point across. The cost is infinite. And this difference, like all differences, is a difference in time preference and ‘population preference’ (as I have explained elsewhere.) But these preferences are not just tastes. They have meaning. That meaning ALWAYS favors a given population over a long time frame. Period.

    • DEMOCRACY: HELP MAKE IT PAST TENSE

      DEMOCRACY: HELP MAKE IT PAST TENSE.


      Source date (UTC): 2013-03-17 12:17:00 UTC