Theme: Crisis

  • THE AMERICAN POSTWAR FAILURE FINANCED BY AMERICAN DEBT |PROCESS|Traditional Law

    THE AMERICAN POSTWAR FAILURE FINANCED BY AMERICAN DEBT

    |PROCESS|Traditional Law (Constitutionalism) > Utility > Postwar Morality > Economics > Obama-chaos > Decline > Civil War.

    We didn’t have a ‘bible’ of western civ beyond which no man may tread. That’s the beginning of the problem: tradition vs articulation of the science under our tradition.

    We didn’t organize against neoliberalism. We had no scientific answer to neo-liberalism (neo-marxism). We won against marxism simply by its demonstrated failure.

    We didn’t organize against immigration like we did against communism. That’s the problem first problem.

    We didn’t organize to achieve against islamic fundamentalism as we organized against communism. That’s the problem.

    Without immigration we would have won (a) Rule of law (b) economics, (c) social norms (d) religion and education.

    The only reason we lost so far is women voting, that suppressed the ability of men to defend against women’s voting patterns.


    Source date (UTC): 2019-08-17 14:10:00 UTC

  • TRUMP AND CHINA by Mike Streit If he only knew how easily he could crash chinas

    TRUMP AND CHINA

    by Mike Streit

    If he only knew how easily he could crash chinas economy. He could threaten to do exactly that and they’d concede to whatever he asked for.

    China has a massive demographics issue. The one child policy is great for population control but terrible decades later when you need a labor force big enough to keep your production costs below every other nations. Mexico has the labor force we need and they are conveniently located to our south. Lower production costs and lower transportation costs. But mike, Mexico doesn’t have the infrastructure, we are currently fixing that and pumping millions of cubic feet of natural gas to them daily. We are fixing their power problem thanks to our shale boom.

    Next up, China is the most over credited nation in the history of nations or credit. Every time they tighten the money supply to start fixing their problem, those they’ve employed thru false methods are liable to be left with the free time to remove those in power. Imagine if we just went out into Wyoming and built entire cities that could hold thousands of people and then left them empty. China has done just that. At one point, you could claim an idea for an invention, insure it and days later file an insurance claim against the invention saying it had failed. With no proof of anything ever existing. China has an Oprah problem with handing out jobs and cash for those jobs that it doesn’t have. How bad is it? An Obama stimulus package every 17-21 days bad.

    China has capital flight to the USA in the trillions. So many suspect it’s to buy up power over us. They know their economy is going to fail, it’s not if, it’s when. Getting back 10-50% of their money is still better than zero.

    Xi is playing hard ball to look tough. He’s also consolidating power as fast as he can.

    Can China make it a little rough on us for a little while? Absolutely. Long term, we can put the screws to them as hard as we want and there’s nothing they can do. 23% of their GDP is trade. Around 10% of ours is, of that 10%, half is with Canada and Mexico.

    We are also the only country with a navy capable of protecting or shutting down trade routes. We have 11 super carriers (the rest of the world has zero. The UK will have 2 by 2024 and they are being folded into our system). We have 11 of the 21 jump carriers, it takes 7 of those to equal 1 super carrier.

    Trump could easily explain all of these facts to China, tell them they can either agree to whatever we lay forth from now on without further international grand standing or that we will simply pull out the rug. What does that entail? It could actually be any number of things or multiples in concert. We could walk away from protecting oil shipments in the Middle East (China cannot go get their own oil, only japan has a deep water navy), we could ratchet up tariffs to a level that they couldn’t withstand (even with retaliatory tariffs its minimal damage here for maximum effect there), we could also stop all trade coming into or out of China from any nation (including China) that uses our currency as the middle man of exchange (Obama started this, trump turned it up to 11 and has it at his disposal whenever for whatever), we could block all shipments going into or out of China (this would be the most direct action and likely be considered an act of war by the entire international community, but nobody could actually stop us), it would be political suicide on trumps part but he could push us into a civil war or crash our economy (this is going to happen no matter what within the next few years anyway). I’m sure there’s others I’m forgetting, if you know any I missed please chime in.

    China’s economy is a house of cards, the slightest wind and it’ll all come crashing down.Updated Aug 16, 2019, 9:39 PM


    Source date (UTC): 2019-08-16 21:39:00 UTC

  • I don’t see any way that China can hold out a year at the current rate of losses

    I don’t see any way that China can hold out a year at the current rate of losses. Russia has shrunk by a third since ’14. Germany is done with the next recession. The USA is autarkic if it returns manufacturing (We only depend on the world for something like 8% of trade.)


    Source date (UTC): 2019-08-16 21:38:54 UTC

    Original post: https://twitter.com/i/web/status/1162478868655157249

    Reply addressees: @realDonaldTrump

    Replying to: https://twitter.com/i/web/status/1162474945013850112


    IN REPLY TO:

    Unknown author

    The President is making a big bet, on the scale of Reagan vs the Soviets, that he can break China and Europe, do a UK deal after Brexit, end the parasitism on the USA, and restore our manufacturing sector. He has a year to do it. if so, it’s brilliant.
    #trump @realDonaldTrump https://t.co/rFYiW5XWNe

    Original post: https://x.com/i/web/status/1162474945013850112


    IN REPLY TO:

    @curtdoolittle

    The President is making a big bet, on the scale of Reagan vs the Soviets, that he can break China and Europe, do a UK deal after Brexit, end the parasitism on the USA, and restore our manufacturing sector. He has a year to do it. if so, it’s brilliant.
    #trump @realDonaldTrump https://t.co/rFYiW5XWNe

    Original post: https://x.com/i/web/status/1162474945013850112

  • **POSNER VS. SHILLER: ON BUBBLES AND SHILLER’S NEW BOOK, “ANIMAL SPIRITS”** Apri

    **POSNER VS. SHILLER: ON BUBBLES AND SHILLER’S NEW BOOK, “ANIMAL SPIRITS”**

    April 5th, 2009

    Posner has written an exceptional review of Shiller’s book Animal Spirits for The New Republic.

    But I want to take a very different approach that looks at the problem from the point of view of Capitalism v3: the Credit and Interest Society.

    We cannot predict bubbles. We can avoid bubbles if we see them coming, early enough anyway.

    But a bubble is a necessary symptom of collective alignment and forecasting. If bubbles fail to form, that would be a greater problem than living through their correction. This may be counter-intuitive, but a bubble is an alignment of people behind an opportunity. To some not insignificant degree a culture is a bubble. A civilization is a bubble. If we don’t have bubbles we can’t organize people for good, either.

    Bubbles are caused by a tragedy of the commons: each participant hopes to exploit opportunity quickly lest one miss out on the opportunity and be left behind by others. I am not sure if the literature of behavioral economics makes this association, but I assume so. (I’ll check later this week). However, this group, or pack behavior, is also related to the behavior of privatizing wins and socializing losses. In other words, the general behavior of individuals in economies is pack behavior: we follow our networks, and networks – both the individuals in them and the behavior demonstrated by a collection of individuals – demonstrate a fairly constant set of behaviors. They attempt to privatize wins and socialize losses when opportunities slowly emerge, and to bubble, or follow an exploitation strategy, as opportunities more quickly emerge. The difference between these two theories is the participant’s time frame when considering his actions. In a bubble, he works with very little information and must follow the herd or be left behind. The same is true of the commons. They are the same problem.

    Bubbles are a natural result of credit and anticipation. They are an exaggeration of alignment by a populace behind a narrow set of opportunities. Bubbles, because of the general increase in money, fiat money, credit money, are made possible because money is misdirected from localized opportunities.

    Our objective is to become better at popping bubbles, rather than preventing them. In fact, I think – and I am pretty sure I’m right – that we may want to intentionally create a world of bubbles that we constructively pop. And I’m actually very sure that this is the answer we seek. We are using credit and money to attempt to create an equilibrium that cannot exist, and does not exist, and is at any point only an aberration, an over-generalization, or, in most simple terms, just noise. An equilibrium describes the process of adoption and consumption of ideas and resources so that the population makes the best use at the lowest cost of MOVING IN SOME DIRECTION, not in ACHIEVING AN EQUILIBRIUM.

    Civilization is directional. Civilizations evolve. They become larger and more complex or they die. Period. End of story. End of the mathematical model based upon equilibria.

    WE HAVE BEEN SEEKING THE WRONG ANSWER: how to efficiently seek equilibrium, instead of how to maximize our expansion. We are attempting to moderate human activity rather than give it its full opportunity. The fact that we’ve done this for so may centuries kind of surprises me.

    I need to work very hard to kill this idea of natural equilibrium. It is a form of madness incompatible with the credit-and-interest state.

    Conservatism, the Friedman approach, is clearly wrong; monetarism is a failure. It is a banker’s philosophy. General liquidity – increases in the money supply rather than loans – is a failed philosophy. Inflating the money supply creates disinformation and bubbles that we have no control over. Keynesianism, in the sense that people have developed a mathematical rigor that they attempt to apply either toward unemployment or toward government spending and the anticipated rise in demand because of it, is a failed hypothesis. Anarchism, while showing us how unimportant government is, fails to show how important government is in the translation of violence into economic activity and the necessity of providing a means of conflict resolution between groups who do not have the same interests.

    We can make loans with credit money, but we cannot increase the general stock of money without creating “turbulence” everywhere. Turbulence is the enemy of coordination and cooperation. It causes unnecessary calculation of fruitless activity. It’s digging a hole and filling it. It’s not that we need a gold standard. We can use credit money, but it has to be in the form of loans. We should only use credit to seek solutions, and interest to inform our government as to the good or ill of their judgments.

    We should not levy taxes, except in extraordinarily rare circumstances that are profoundly local. We should instead collect interest. This creates a positive rather than negative government.

    We should both issue credit and buy back bad loans. This creates responsibility and allows us to clean up errors faster than the market corrects. This prevents crashes.

    We should not fear creating a negative account, because this negative account can be traded with other nations instead of playing currency speculation games. And that account makes such currency speculation very dangerous and less exaggerated.

    Our problem is to seize the maximum number of opportunities, not to make the most efficient use of money. In that light it’s almost ridiculous. I mean, is the way we do things today something we’re actually going to say OUT LOUD without feeling very silly about it?


    Source date (UTC): 2019-08-16 09:30:00 UTC

  • **ARNOLD KLING’S EULOGY: GENERAL EQUILIBRIUM AND THE ASH HEAP OF HISTORY** April

    **ARNOLD KLING’S EULOGY: GENERAL EQUILIBRIUM AND THE ASH HEAP OF HISTORY**

    April 6th, 2009

    From Arnold Kling’s recent post on an Outline for a Talk on Financial Regulation:

    “…. dynamic stochastic general equilibrium models, and most of what macroeconomists have done since World War II will find its way to the ash heap of history.”

    Finally. Unfortunately, those of us who have been fighting this battle for years cannot take any comfort from the fact that this falsification has been so painful, and that the pain will likely continue for some time.

    Maybe I can describe the phoenix that, at least hopefully, may rise from the ashes:

    1) All economic activity is described by fractal, not equilibrial mathematics. (Human existence is evolutionary, not equilibrial.)

    2) The underlying geometry consists of a set of properties determined by the properties of memory: in particular, forgetting-curves (events, severity and frequency), the information available to people, and the time to production of resources (property).

    3) The purpose of policy will be (if we learn from the past) to exploit all possible opportunities at the lowest cost, rather than to achieve an equilibrium efficiently.

    I would recommend as well that, in order to make possible the transformation of society from rural to urban worldwide, we need to change our idea of the very nature and purpose of government. Because it is not only general equilibrium that failed us. Most of the primary levers by which we govern have failed us, or are also failing.

    1) Policy: Since we are permanently committed to fiat money and credit money, then the state (the people) are the insurance policy for losses, and therefore the state (the people) should be the recipients of rewards from the issue of credit. We need to convert from the law-and-tax state to the credit-and-interest state.

    2) Government: While this is unlikely to be possible in the US without a revolution, we should promote the Federal Reserve to the third House of Congress and force all “appropriations” to come from interest collected by the Fed. The House of Commons then should dispense social services, and the Senate return to its role of regulating commerce. I would prefer we also return to a hereditary monarchy with veto power, assumed assent, and the ability to dissolve government and call for elections. I say this not because I believe it will occur here, only because I would recommend that any new state adopt this policy. The age of taxation is dead. It should have been dead two thousand years ago. I will have to work on it longer, but it’s entirely possible that the credit state may have resulted in a very different period after the failure of imperial Rome.

    3) Religion: Weber was actually wrong. We may need myths for pedagogical reasons, simply to teach children to visualize ideals in time and space and history. We may need myths to teach them the relationship between processes and the invariant nature of the human animal, where the narrative can accomplish what disciplined, symbolic systems cannot. Religions are not, however, terribly important. Credit is granular enough that we do not have to have a state built on punishments (laws) or a cheap imitation of punishments in the form of threats (hell and damnation). We need the myths, and the rituals that perpetuate the myths, and they need to be resistant to fashion, but this can be accomplished by requiring that teachers simply be grandparents.

    It is not only our concept of equilibrium that needs to be discarded on the ash heap of history, but the concepts of general equality, law, and taxation, which should have been discarded along with slavery. They are tools we invented to organize people into slavery, and pseudo-slavery when we developed farming.

    It is the credit-and-interest state that we have fitfully been trying to bring to birth for the past few hundred years. Without that birth I am fairly sure that the urban state will be still born, if only for epistemic reasons (because there is no means of governance that can function in the urban state).

    Unfortunately, we may have to violently kill off the tax-and-law state to do it. Lawyers are not bankers, and public service that is paid for by interest earned, rather than taxes stolen, requires a person of knowledge and talent rather than a person of popularity and conviction.


    Source date (UTC): 2019-08-16 09:29:00 UTC

  • THE GOVERNMENT REALLY DID IT: BANKING, BLAME, AND A COMMON TRAGEDY April 11th, 2

    THE GOVERNMENT REALLY DID IT: BANKING, BLAME, AND A COMMON TRAGEDY

    April 11th, 2009

    Dean Baker, on The American Prospect, posted an article entitled, The Bank Bailout: Were Bankers Victims of Predatory Lending by the Government?. But I don’t agree with him (for once), at least entirely.

    Dean,

    I hate to disagree even if slightly, but by creating so much money, and encouraging bankers to lend and failing to regulate (prescribe) the uses of that money, the government created a “tragedy of the commons,” where the only choice a business in a market has is to participate, lest he be put out of business by the competition of his rivals.

    This is simply another application of the Keynesian strategy: that printing money will compel people to spend (take action), because they will be harmed if they save (wait).

    But the problem is much deeper than that. It’s not a moral problem. It’s not a judgment problem. The level of understanding of the banking industry among bankers and mortgage brokers has become so trivial since we centralized banking using computing technology that any understanding of the banking industry was held in very limited hands, making them cumulatively ineffective hands. If you are the minority conservative voice in a company of others who seek to exploit opportunity, even opportunity that they don’t understand, you simply comply or get replaced.

    Early retirement caused by the use of all that credit money and its resulting asset inflation caused a lot of wise and older bankers to exit. The period of expansion caused by that money and the breadth of it led to the exit of the seasoned veterans who understood the consequences from the last time we did all this silliness.

    The educational system and its emphasis on quantitative risk evaluation created the equivalent of an inhibition in younger bankers against actually learning the business and understanding what kind of economic activity they were engaged in. They sought to become day traders rather than investors.

    There were a set of erroneous beliefs, and technical errors, and basic human foibles, that contributed to this problem:

    The economy (and housing) was flooded with credit in order to recover from 2001, in the hope that this would keep the consumer, and 70% of our economy, spending.

    The low cost of credit money, the high demand for people, and the profit opportunity for bankers, mortgage brokers, real estate developers, and construction labor rapidly expanded the number of people in the mortgage and banking fields.

    This increase in the size of the credit industry meant that the average person in it had less skill in understanding his or her actions, and their only logical means of competing with their peers was to participate in the feeding frenzy despite their lack of knowledge and experience.

    The senior banking talent either retired, had no memory of previous crises, or had no knowledge of economic theory, and if they were conservative they were overwhelmed by the profit-seeking majority.

    Reselling loans as packages made it easy for individuals to to mitigate personal risk.

    Information to estimate the current value of those securities when packaged and resold was lost.

    As a result, the meaning of the credit rating system when this packaging occurs was lost.

    The centralization of banking through the use of computers allowed executives to apply calculations to centralized lending, under the assumption that risk calculation is a scalable process.

    Society was deprived of knowledgeable bankers with whom they could interact at local branch offices.

    A class of “financial advisers” developed who misled consumers and savers with a pretense of knowledge, and the belief that any financial product is forecastable, when in fact, it is not.

    The educational system emphasized quantitative analysis, rather than deep knowledge of the industries, geographies, or people that they lend into.

    The banking culture emphasized risk, expressed using the convenient shorthand of market-priced collateral, rather than as risk expressed by understanding of opportunity versus the risk a lender estimates by virtue of his knowledge of the FUTURE of prices in a specific industry or geography.

    The only regulation that would have solved that problem would have been to require that 20% of the loan be held by the originating INDIVIDUAL, not bank, but INDIVIDUAL, so that the individual had the incentive to maintain sufficient knowledge of his properties, so that he could adapt to risk.

    But the cause of all those contributions was fiat and credit money.

    Banking is an art, not a science. It never will be a science. It cannot be. It is the process of funding entrepreneurship. It is not the science of evaluating risk, because we can never know that risk or that opportunity by any means other than experience, which is TESTED by quantitative analysis. That experience must be in the property and products and people we evaluate, not their presumed assets and collateral. It’s almost hard to say anything else out loud and not feel simply ridiculous for having done so.

    Any entrepreneur of any experience will tell you that bankers are noticeably from the bottom of their graduating classes, they are disastrously ignorant of both their industry and the economic importance of it, and they have too little general knowledge to evaluate risk OR opportunity. Bankers simply aren’t very wise. They are notoriously ignorant. We are all aware of lawyer jokes, in which the lawyer is immoral. But there are plenty of banker jokes. They’re just not that funny. Jokes about dim people simply aren’t funny. But, like all stereotypes, such bits of cultural analysis are indicative of an underlying semi-truth.

    Investment bankers are generally very young, very bright opportunists who have won a lottery. But they have little or no understanding of business. The few that do are older and in smaller companies. Those same people in the larger companies are simply final decision makers. But investment banking has become a variant of movie production: the trick is to put together any deal that you CAN – not any deal that you SHOULD. Instead, the operating principle of investment bankers is that you SHOULD put together any deal that you CAN get away with. This tragedy is only possible because we have allowed the creation of instruments that divorce the person who evaluates the opportunity from the risk inherent in the opportunity. Instead of facing that risk, he simply resells the product and escapes from the effect of his judgment. His incentive is to do what he CAN, regardless of his knowledge, instead of what he SHOULD because of his knowledge.

    In a world of credit money, the recursive effect of lending and asset price inflation means that our perception of risk as mitigated by collateral is simply WRONG. Bankers are not in the collateral business like they seem to think they are. There isn’t any rational concept of collateral when prices are determined by the momentum of credit money. There is no collateral to measure, so bankers are not in the collateral business, they are in the insurance business. They just don’t know it.

    I don’t blame bankers at all. I blame the government for its use of fiat and credit money in a century-long attempt to foster entrepreneurship and increased productivity (and therefore the illusion of full employment), and the political expediency of social programs (the need for which was caused in no small part by the use of credit money) by the use of general liquidity rather than targeted liquidity (loans for a specific purpose not just for any purpose).

    We did NOT get the productivity increases. That same credit money, when regulated by the use of the concept of collateral, forces money behind mature commodity businesses that are calcifying, and starves smaller, more innovative and niche-serving businesses. It reduces consumer choice, hinders innovation, and forces investment capital into high-risk, high-reward opportunities (gambling) instead of production increases.

    We all know that capital chases capital to the point of failure. Some of us know that excess capital creates failure. But very few of us know that risk and collateral are concepts whose value lies in the assumption that few people are lending and prices are relatively stable over the course of the loan. That value does not apply to a circumstance where everyone is loaning for everything and therefore the collateral cannot be priced. When collateral cannot be priced, and the entire credit system depends upon a system of calibration between collateral, loan, and risk, then the entire system simply rests on an erroneous assumption.

    The economy is a representation of human memory. The stock market is an expression of overlapping “forgetting curves” and “learning curves.” Individuals, families, companies, industries, governments, cultures, and civilizations require common knowledge, or general understanding, in the form of memories, in the form of narratives, for general planning, organizing, forecasting, and acting in the real world. They need memories, in all their richness and complexity.

    They need property, too. They need property to break the world up into actionable components. The world is as incomprehensible without property as it is without numbers, money, time, technical knowledge, and mythology.

    We have invented a lot of tools that allow us to make more precise or complex COMPARISONS of our choices between multiple, complex things. But these comparisons are REFINEMENTS of our GENERAL KNOWLEDGE that is far less precise. We use analysis to TEST our more general comparisons. Just as we use accounting to test whether we made a profit from a sea voyage or from a month of complex activity, we use our other quantitative tools and logical tools to test our perceptions, both post and ante. But before we can make comparisons, we must first have perceptions. And to be of actionable value, those perceptions need to be of some sort of thing we can act on that’s unique in space and time, it must have a production cycle (property), and it must be scarce or specialized enough that acting upon them in a division of knowledge and labor is meaningful (profitable).

    In other words, we have to have memories and habits that we compare to test or determine small improvements. And we must make those decisions in real time during whatever cycle of production we participate in. This real-time participation means that we are limited in the number of things we calculate. It means those things we calculate must not change much over time. It means that there are no general rules external to our experience that help us form our theories, only our experience and knowledge. It means that our methods and tools simply test and refine our more general habits and judgments. It means that we simply cannot have purely scientific knowledge of assets and banking. We have to have knowledge and wisdom about the behavior and use of property and people that is marginally sufficient for us to compare against alternatives by the use of those tools.

    In other words, banking is not a process for applying scientific knowledge. It is a process of entrepreneurship and accumulated wisdom, tested by methodological tools so that we can reduce our errors.

    The physical world stays the same while we pass our highly perishable scientific knowledge from generation to generation and increase its depth and complexity, falsify it, add to it, or whatever we do with it. The thing we have knowledge about stays constant. We are researching a universe that is invariant.

    The human world is not invariant. It is inconstant, kaleidic, and created by our actions. It is the cumulative expression of human memories and all our market activity both creates and reflects it. The stock market is not scientific, nor is banking, risk, or any other aspect of the economy. It is not rational in the sense that we often use the term. It is not only a function of incomplete knowledge and asymmetrical knowledge, but of the learning curves and forgetting curves of each participant, who has limited processing power and who, in a division of knowledge and labor, benefits almost entirely from specialization that ensures his processing power necessarily fosters ignorance of some other aspect of human life.

    Knowledge of property and its use does NOT SCALE. That’s the reason we have property: to break the world into comprehensible and known components that we can use to cooperate with each other by exchange and therefore specialize and increase production. This is the most important principle. Knowledge of property cannot scale and the stability of any price, including any collateral, is an illusion. There is no numeric or formulative substitute for personal human knowledge of economic activity. None.

    Risk is not measurable AT SCALE, because we cannot measure the unknown, nor can we predict large corrections. In other words, risks cannot be summed if they make use of prices.

    Priced collateral is not meaningful in a world of credit money, which at every moment invalidates any price.

    We should seek to maximize opportunities at lowest cost, not maximize interest at minimum risk.

    Banking is a knowledge problem, not a mathematical problem.

    We need to de-financialize savings and retirement, because there are no means of forecasting such things over time, and any assumption of perpetual growth is fantastic.

    Our educational system seeks to treat finance, economics, and sociology as disciplines open to quantitative analysis in order to establish rules, rather than the virtue of collected history and wisdom, and a record of the quantitative analysis and expressed rules as a history that is constantly open to interpretation.

    Our educational system seeks to teach people formulae which are invalid so that they can avoid collecting accumulated wisdom, rather than seeking to endow them with accumulated wisdom and the analytical tools to interpret currently collected data for comparison to accumulated wisdom. Educators make this mistake in order to simplify the job of TESTING students, who, if subjected to tests of accumulated wisdom rather than technical expression, would fare far worse and consume much more of the educator’s time.

    Our educational system seeks to grant social science the same argumentative weight as physical science, confusing the fact that in physical science we discover something that exists already. In social science we manufacture the future, and that there is nothing to be discovered, only created.

    Our political system seeks to replace governance by religious conformity with governance by economic efficiency as a means of justifying the accumulation of power in order to advance the interests of groups, and to do so when economic efficiency is impossible to determine and risk is impossible to measure. This is instead of increasing the rate of production and seizing and exploiting every possible opportunity for every individual independent of his class or group membership, which would allow all groups to benefit by the success of other groups by the use of credit, rather than for some groups to profit at the expense of others by privatizing wins and socializing losses.

    Our political system seeks to pit groups against each other by the use of laws, to hold themselves unaccountable for production by the use of tax, and to tax people according to income so that they can keep them servants of the state, rather than facilitate group cooperation by the use of credit , to hold themselves accountable by funding the state by the collection of interest, and to tax tax citizens by their balance sheets so that they can become independent of the state.

    Some classes in society use banking, credit, and interest to socialize losses and privatize wins, using fiat and credit money that is paid for by all, but offers rewards that are collected by few. This does decrease prices for all. But it also creates class warfare.

    So, bankers are what we made them. The blame is ours, not theirs.


    Source date (UTC): 2019-08-16 09:28:00 UTC

  • **A CATALOGUE OF ERRORS, AND AN AVALANCHE IN BANKING** From April 18th, 2009 1 –

    **A CATALOGUE OF ERRORS, AND AN AVALANCHE IN BANKING**

    From April 18th, 2009

    1 – PHILOSOPHICAL ERRORS

    Knowledge of property and its use does NOT SCALE. The reason we have property is so that we can break the world into comprehensible and known components that we can use to cooperate with each other by exchange and therefore specialize and increase production. This is the most important principle: Knowledge of property cannot scale and the stability of any price, including any collateral, is an illusion. There is no numeric or formulative substitute for personal human knowledge of economic activity. None. Period, end of story.

    2 – FINANCIAL ERRORS

    Risk is not measurable AT SCALE, because we cannot measure the unknown, nor can we predict large corrections. In other words, risks cannot be summed if they make use of prices.

    Priced collateral is not meaningful in a world of credit money, which at every moment invalidates any price.

    We should seek to maximize opportunities at lowest cost, not maximize interest at minimum risk.

    Banking is a knowledge problem, not a mathematical problem. Personal knowledge of property is required for forecasting its future value. This is because the categories that determine cause and effect change constantly.

    We need to “definancialize”1 savings and retirement, because there are no means of forecasting such things over time, and any assumption of perpetual growth is a fantasy.

    3 – EDUCATIONAL ERRORS

    Our education system seeks to treat finance, economics, and sociology as disciplines open to quantitative analysis in order to establish rules, rather than the virtue of collected history and wisdom, and a record of the quantitative analysis and expressed rules as a history that is constantly open to interpretation.

    Our education system seeks to teach people formulae which are invalid so that they can avoid collecting accumulated wisdom, rather than seeking to endow them with accumulated wisdom and the analytical tools to interpret currently collected data for comparison to accumulated wisdom. Educators make this mistake in order to simplify the job of TESTING students, who, if subjected to tests of accumulated wisdom rather than technical expression, would fare far worse, and consume much more of the educator’s time.

    Our education system seeks to confer on social science the same argumentative weight as physical science, confusing the fact that in physical science we discover something that exists already. In social science we manufacture the future, and there is nothing to be discovered, only created.

    4 – POLITICAL ERRORS

    Our political system seeks to replace governance by means of religious conformity with governance by economic efficiency so as to justif the accumulation of power in order to advance the interests of groups, and to do so when economic efficiency is impossible to determine and risk is impossible to measure. It does this instead of increasing the rate of production and a seizing and exploiting every possible opportunity for every individual independent of his class or group membership, which would allow all groups to benefit by the success of other groups by the use of credit, rather than for some groups to profit at the expense of others by privatizing wins and socializing losses.

    Our political system seeks to pit groups against each other by the use of laws, and allows politicians to hold themselves unaccountable for production by the use of taxes (which are a penalty for productivity), and to tax people according to income so that they can keep them servants of the state, rather than facilitating group cooperation by the use of credit, holding themselves accountable by funding the state by the collection of interest, and taxing citizens by their balance sheets so that they can become independent of the state.

    Some classes in society use banking, credit, and interest to socialize losses and privatize wins, using fiat and credit money that is paid for by all, but rewards that are collected by few. This does decrease prices for all. But it also creates class warfare.


    Source date (UTC): 2019-08-16 09:26:00 UTC

  • **YES WE COULD HAVE PREVENTED THE SUFFERING OF CITIZENS** April 14th, 2010 Rebek

    **YES WE COULD HAVE PREVENTED THE SUFFERING OF CITIZENS**

    April 14th, 2010

    Rebekka Grun, on The Growth And Crisis Blog writes that we could have protected the consumers rather than the banks, in her posting

    Conditional Individual Bailouts – a Potential Anti-crisis Instrument

    Why not save the individuals that went bust rather than their banks? Unconditional bailouts, of course, would generate the wrong incentives (for the banks as well, by the way). It is therefore important to attach smart conditions to discourage free riding. For example a course in financial literacy and commitment to a program of (maybe painful) debt restructuring, and possibly further measures to improve the education or health of the affected individual or family.

    Your sentiment is correct even if you haven’t done the math on it.

    In general terms, there is a simply technique for doing exactly what you’ve suggested, but we lack the infrastructure for it.

    The arguments against the solution at the time were that we didn’t know how far prices would fall (I’m not sure, I think we were about right), and that it would make very visible that the government was the source of the problem (true), that it would have geopolitical impact on the value of the dollar (of course, but so would the alternative), and that it could be unfair to people who had behaved well (that would be fixable), and that it would encourage a bubble (this is false).

    The primary problem with distortions is that the distortions are in PRICING. Libertarians would call corrections ‘repricing’. The problem is that human beings must suffer a great deal and absorb a lot of stress to conduct that ‘repricing’. When the state, as the creator of the distortion by the manufacture of cheap credit, could easily reprice major (home) assets by repricing the DEBT of those assets.

    In other words, we could have easily corrected the economy by bypassing the banking system, and giving money directly to the citizenry as buy-downs on their mortgages, which would have provided them with cash to spend or to put into banks. Doing this is fine if you do it FAST.

    In other words, the state created both the BOOM problem and the CRASH problem because it relies on the irresponsible tool of providing general liquidity – easy money.

    In hindsight this is more obvious than it was at the time. Those of us who made this recommendation were the smaller voices, because the banks and the financial industry were so terrified and the impact on the economy if they failed, so severe.

    The problem for our country is to put this system in place, so that we are insuring citizens AGAINST their bankers, so that we can use the market to PUNISH bad bankers and their investors, rather than the citizenry.

    I’ve worked the mechanics of this process out in some detail, and it’s quite simple. It’s just novel. And it’s anti-bank. And that makes it dangerous to a lot of people in one of our biggest industries: finance.


    Source date (UTC): 2019-08-16 08:42:00 UTC

  • It get’s started when there is a political trigger event (impeachment, antifa vi

    It get’s started when there is a political trigger event (impeachment, antifa violence) and about a dozen of us who are influencers say so.

    I’m not in your wheelhouse. You aren’t gonna get me by failing to grasp the whole via-negativa set of arguments.


    Source date (UTC): 2019-08-14 22:42:06 UTC

    Original post: https://twitter.com/i/web/status/1161769996105736194

    Reply addressees: @Protagoris7788 @facebook

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  • In a revolution you silly. 😉 Not running around shooting people

    In a revolution you silly. 😉 Not running around shooting people.


    Source date (UTC): 2019-08-14 21:50:00 UTC

    Original post: https://twitter.com/i/web/status/1161756886271741952

    Reply addressees: @Protagoris7788 @facebook

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