Curt Doolittle

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  • There are no averages or excuses for such acts

    There are no averages or excuses for such acts

    Source date (UTC): 2016-09-22 12:57:18 UTC

    Original post: https://twitter.com/i/web/status/778941239697764352

    Reply addressees: @lemonadeag @simple_visions @leaveitout @FebV57 @LibertarianQn @AC360 @seanhannity @BretBaier

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  • (Peter Boettke : Thinking about your unassuming but thought-provoking quip on th

    (Peter Boettke : Thinking about your unassuming but thought-provoking quip on the importance of the P in PhD. Because I wrestle with this problem of the ‘need to reform philosophy’ that Locke set out to achieve in his era – and we must do again in ours. And, since what’s missing from philosophy is any notion of cost, I might go as far as saying that it’s absence of the insights of economics – even such things as the commensurability provided by money and prices – that have doomed the philosophical profession to empty verbalisms.

    I OFTEN feel like mathematicians and economists could do with a better understanding of philosophy. But I ALWAYS feel like philosophers could do with a better understanding of economics. I can’t think of any of the insights I have produced that would have been possible without econ, and particularly micro econ, and most importantly Austrian econ. And while I have been critical of the abuse of Mises by Rothbard, I am increasingly concerned that no one seems to be taking mises half-solution to the great logical problem of our age, any further.

    There is a terrible need for philosophy, and terrible need for its reformation. But I am pretty sure that the reason that terrible need exists, is the lack of accounting of costs, opportunities and incentives provided by economic philosophers. Philosophy is missing “demonstrated commensurability” across differences in perceptions, experiences, memories, judgements, knowledge, labor and advocacy, by different demands of different people, with different needs.)

    (Sorry if this is out of line in some way but I have very few people to think out loud to on these matters.)

    – Cheers

    (edited. like everything I seem to write on an iphone needs to be. ) 🙂

    Source date (UTC): 2016-09-22 10:05:00 UTC

  • Of course you already know about this stuff, but this is really good marketing f

    Of course you already know about this stuff, but this is really good marketing for it!

    Source date (UTC): 2016-09-20 13:49:00 UTC

  • I don’t think she’s solved induction, but she’s (like me) reframed it as a matte

    I don’t think she’s solved induction, but she’s (like me) reframed it as a matter of degree.

    Source date (UTC): 2016-09-20 07:05:03 UTC

    Original post: https://twitter.com/i/web/status/778127819201191937

    Reply addressees: @SanguineEmpiric

    Replying to: https://twitter.com/i/web/status/778107633286975489

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  • Q&a:Curt: Is There Any Morality Beyond Self Interest?

    —“Do you believe that morality beyond self-interest is entirely false as a result?”— I don’t believe in anything, because the term is archaic. I can state that it’s a strong truth candidate, because despite extremely exhaustive efforts by highly biased researchers, we cannot find a single instance of moral action that is not in itself selfish through kin selection. Now, when we use the word ‘moral’ we must grasp that there is an objective morality in natural (necessary, consistent, and decidable), and normative morality (local group contracts for different sets of behaviors that produce group benefits from which individuals largely benefit), and individual morality (those subsets of moral choices I choose to follow and not). We conflate these two terms, just as we conflate law (natural law), legislation (contract or command), and regulation (arbitrary edict). But objective and normative, and individual morality are equivalent to natural law (true), legislation (contractual), and regulation (arbitrary choice). When I write I use moral for objective morality of natural law, and norm for normative morality of local normative contract. We can extend this basic principle from not only sentient cooperative groups, but to non-sentient groups, to non sentient individuals, to plants, to bacteria, to the natural elements that make up the physical world, and to our emerging understanding of the physical world: that we must fight entropy if we wish to survive. So it is not only illogical to engage in self-destructive action, but it is physically impossible so to speak, as it would violate physical laws of the universe. Now some creatures appear to do sacrificial things, but this is sacrificial only from the (fallacious) human perspective as individual pleasure-seekers. But from evolution and the physical world’s standpoint, once we have exhausted a BENEFICIAL reproductive role we are no longer valuable to the organism (the algorithm) as a whole. Thankfully humans are almost always beneficial to one another when they are alive and not harming one another. Even then, those who harm, may be benefitting the organism (algorithm) “man”. Now when we say self-interest, selfishness that signals possible parasitism, or non-payment for commons is something all creatures that cooperate retaliate against. So there is a difference between COMPROMISE (rational self-interest) and ABSOLUTE (and therefore irrational) self-interest. What is rational for all of us is to preserve the incentive to cooperate, and to prevent providing incentive to retaliate, yet being defensive enough to discourage offense against us. So in this sense, it is always rational to compromise with those with whom you are compatible, because compromise with those with whom you are compatible is in your self-interest. There are no rules without limits. If we cannot state the limits of any general rule, we state a falsehood because we cannot state a truth. This is why the wise speak in teleological ethics (science/outcomes), the informed but inexperienced and deceitful speak in deontological ethics ( rationalism/rules ), the young, lacking knowlege and experience in virtues (analogy/imitations), and children in punishments and rewards (goods and bads). I hope this provided the answer you sought. Curt Doolittle The Philosophy or Aristocracy The Propertarian Institute

  • Q&A: —“Curt: How Does Conservatism Differ From Ideology”—

    Short answer? Empiricism vs IrrationalismCurt said: —I’ll say that I use the language of natural law to construct institutions of natural law: exchange, rather than trying to argue that one position is superior to another in order to enforce a monopoly decision that I prefer over the monopoly decisions that others prefer— . Other said: —Would you say this is the distinction between ideology and time-tested principle-based ideas like conservatism?— Conservatism: the ancient paternal order of parenting a family, tribe, and nation, into competitive success against other families, tribes, and nations. In the European World this refers to Aristocratic Egalitarianism (access to rule), Manorialism (access to production and consumption), family (access to sex, care, and reproduction), Religion (access to education, representation, insurance, and celebration). I tend to refer to the various conservatisms as class-movements within the aristocratic egalitarian system of cooperation, with the national socialists and 88’ers and such as the upper proletariat and lower working class(soldiery, labor, and demand), the traditionalists as the upper working class(nco’s, information and advocacy), the legalists as the middle class(officers, organization and choice), and the martial and judicial castes as the upper class (Monarchy, generals, force and limits). And each of our houses the church, the commons, the nobility, and the monarchy still exist but lack separate houses of government for their leadership to coordinate our activities eliminated our ability to use the government to organize in our interests via a market, and instead forced us to work through publications and arguments alone – controlled by the opposition – outside of the government. In other words, by the use of single house democracy (equality) we eliminated both our market for exchanges, our method of decision making, and our organization of collective command and control. From this perspective, egalitarian democracy places the classes which under aristocracy were mutually interdependent, into chaos, and puts us into slavery of the media, academy, special interests, and the state monopoly bureaucracy. Now, what does that have to do with your question? Well, it gives me a foundation upon which to answer it: Ideology refers to a method by which you incite groups under democracy, to vote for a particular representative set of policies, and ideologies need not be categorically consistent, logically consistent, empirically consistent, morally consistent. And moreover, it is better if tehy are not, since consistent arguments are open to rational criticism while ideological arguments merely justify and agitate intuitionistic desires. Ideologies are a property of democracy. A Philosophy refers to a set of categorically consistent, internally consistent, often externally correspondent at least in part, and very often morally consistent method of decision making at the personal (psychological), interpersonal (ethical), sociological (group), political (commons), and inter-political (group competitive) levels. And we can produce philosophical systems across all or just one of those levels. By the term “A time-tested principle” I assume you mean and empirically demonstrable via evidence of survival as a means of group competition against other groups. And yes, that is aristocratic egalitarian empiricism in a nutshell. Why? Well, we discovered truth because of our battle techniques (voluntary professional warrior caste) and the members of the military that must hold to plan and formation (oath), where military epistemology of military people is extremely unforgiving and therefore highly empirical, and lightly loaded, if not totally unloaded (which is what they try to teach you in basic training: giving unloaded information to superiors on command.) Anyone willing to buy a share (fight), could join the corporation (military), and as a consequence, obtain property rights (sovereignty), and voting rights (permission to speak his mind), and judicial rights (right to settle disputes). We evolved sovereignty(independence/individualism), debate, reason, logic, science, contract, natural law, independent judiciary, independent religion, independent government, as continuous extensions of the basic ethic of empirical decision making, truthful testimony, jury of peers, and voluntary contribution to commons. We say we invented the corporation but we had been practicing it since before recorded history. A conservative (aristocratic egalitarian) is not against experimentation, but in favor of empiricism: “show me first”. (a) it must be productive and non-parasitic (meritocratic), (b) it must be exitable if it fails, and (c) it must be reversible (restitution). If your experiment survives real world testing then we may expand these tests to larger circles. Once they have been proven we will adopt them as conservative (empirical) fully tested values (science). Conservatism has always been scientific. The problem is, we started to lie. We started to lie first, with Christianity. We spread that lie widely. Then when we came to modernity, and to the end of Christianity’s control over the government, we lied again: we said that man had been oppressed by the nobility, rather than domesticated out of barbarism through the continuous process of meritocracy. We destroyed the market for cooperation between the classes, and enfranchised both women and competitors. Then the Cosmopolitans came along and exaggerated our lie, saying that nobility was always parasitic rather than productive through domestication, and that the underclasses should and could rule, and that such a rule would not be parasitic but fair. So we are the victims of both western and Jewish lies. And the only way to restore our COMPATIBILITY versus competition is to use the organized application of violence to end all the lies and recreate a market for exchange, decisions, and command and control for all the classes. This is probably far deeper an analysis than you were looking for but as thorough, it is one we can share with others for years to come. So thank you for asking it. Curt Doolittle The Philosophy of Aristocracy The Propertarian Institute

  • Q&A: —“Curt: How Does Conservatism Differ From Ideology”—

    Short answer? Empiricism vs IrrationalismCurt said: —I’ll say that I use the language of natural law to construct institutions of natural law: exchange, rather than trying to argue that one position is superior to another in order to enforce a monopoly decision that I prefer over the monopoly decisions that others prefer— . Other said: —Would you say this is the distinction between ideology and time-tested principle-based ideas like conservatism?— Conservatism: the ancient paternal order of parenting a family, tribe, and nation, into competitive success against other families, tribes, and nations. In the European World this refers to Aristocratic Egalitarianism (access to rule), Manorialism (access to production and consumption), family (access to sex, care, and reproduction), Religion (access to education, representation, insurance, and celebration). I tend to refer to the various conservatisms as class-movements within the aristocratic egalitarian system of cooperation, with the national socialists and 88’ers and such as the upper proletariat and lower working class(soldiery, labor, and demand), the traditionalists as the upper working class(nco’s, information and advocacy), the legalists as the middle class(officers, organization and choice), and the martial and judicial castes as the upper class (Monarchy, generals, force and limits). And each of our houses the church, the commons, the nobility, and the monarchy still exist but lack separate houses of government for their leadership to coordinate our activities eliminated our ability to use the government to organize in our interests via a market, and instead forced us to work through publications and arguments alone – controlled by the opposition – outside of the government. In other words, by the use of single house democracy (equality) we eliminated both our market for exchanges, our method of decision making, and our organization of collective command and control. From this perspective, egalitarian democracy places the classes which under aristocracy were mutually interdependent, into chaos, and puts us into slavery of the media, academy, special interests, and the state monopoly bureaucracy. Now, what does that have to do with your question? Well, it gives me a foundation upon which to answer it: Ideology refers to a method by which you incite groups under democracy, to vote for a particular representative set of policies, and ideologies need not be categorically consistent, logically consistent, empirically consistent, morally consistent. And moreover, it is better if tehy are not, since consistent arguments are open to rational criticism while ideological arguments merely justify and agitate intuitionistic desires. Ideologies are a property of democracy. A Philosophy refers to a set of categorically consistent, internally consistent, often externally correspondent at least in part, and very often morally consistent method of decision making at the personal (psychological), interpersonal (ethical), sociological (group), political (commons), and inter-political (group competitive) levels. And we can produce philosophical systems across all or just one of those levels. By the term “A time-tested principle” I assume you mean and empirically demonstrable via evidence of survival as a means of group competition against other groups. And yes, that is aristocratic egalitarian empiricism in a nutshell. Why? Well, we discovered truth because of our battle techniques (voluntary professional warrior caste) and the members of the military that must hold to plan and formation (oath), where military epistemology of military people is extremely unforgiving and therefore highly empirical, and lightly loaded, if not totally unloaded (which is what they try to teach you in basic training: giving unloaded information to superiors on command.) Anyone willing to buy a share (fight), could join the corporation (military), and as a consequence, obtain property rights (sovereignty), and voting rights (permission to speak his mind), and judicial rights (right to settle disputes). We evolved sovereignty(independence/individualism), debate, reason, logic, science, contract, natural law, independent judiciary, independent religion, independent government, as continuous extensions of the basic ethic of empirical decision making, truthful testimony, jury of peers, and voluntary contribution to commons. We say we invented the corporation but we had been practicing it since before recorded history. A conservative (aristocratic egalitarian) is not against experimentation, but in favor of empiricism: “show me first”. (a) it must be productive and non-parasitic (meritocratic), (b) it must be exitable if it fails, and (c) it must be reversible (restitution). If your experiment survives real world testing then we may expand these tests to larger circles. Once they have been proven we will adopt them as conservative (empirical) fully tested values (science). Conservatism has always been scientific. The problem is, we started to lie. We started to lie first, with Christianity. We spread that lie widely. Then when we came to modernity, and to the end of Christianity’s control over the government, we lied again: we said that man had been oppressed by the nobility, rather than domesticated out of barbarism through the continuous process of meritocracy. We destroyed the market for cooperation between the classes, and enfranchised both women and competitors. Then the Cosmopolitans came along and exaggerated our lie, saying that nobility was always parasitic rather than productive through domestication, and that the underclasses should and could rule, and that such a rule would not be parasitic but fair. So we are the victims of both western and Jewish lies. And the only way to restore our COMPATIBILITY versus competition is to use the organized application of violence to end all the lies and recreate a market for exchange, decisions, and command and control for all the classes. This is probably far deeper an analysis than you were looking for but as thorough, it is one we can share with others for years to come. So thank you for asking it. Curt Doolittle The Philosophy of Aristocracy The Propertarian Institute

  • Q&a: A Gentle Eugenics?

    –What is the gentlest way to restrain underclass reproduction?– The gentlest way to restrain underclass reproduction is to be honest about it, transfer from services to direct redistribution, and to make redistribution contingent on single child reproduction, and offer free sterilization after the fist birth, and require sterilization of those with severe histories in the family (we have studies on this it’s pretty obvious stuff). And secondly to limit immigration to those with IQ’s 125 and above.

  • Q&a: A Gentle Eugenics?

    –What is the gentlest way to restrain underclass reproduction?– The gentlest way to restrain underclass reproduction is to be honest about it, transfer from services to direct redistribution, and to make redistribution contingent on single child reproduction, and offer free sterilization after the fist birth, and require sterilization of those with severe histories in the family (we have studies on this it’s pretty obvious stuff). And secondly to limit immigration to those with IQ’s 125 and above.

  • Q&a: Curt: Can We Shape Capitalism Or Is It Just Demographics?

    —Do you think that national culture can shape capitalism to be an effective force without the downward shift of consumer choice tending toward mass culture, and government corruption? Or does it all come down to demographics?—It’s just demographics and redistribution. Better demographics, more homogenous demographics greater redistribution lower personal consumption for the purpose of signaling.