Form: Critique

  • MORE ON REVIEW OF LESTER (Just my thoughts as I went through the book today) As

    MORE ON REVIEW OF LESTER

    (Just my thoughts as I went through the book today)

    As I said yesterday there isn’t anything novel or of value in lester’s work and it’s no use to me. Which is all I wanted to know.

    IT IS VERY HARD TO IMPROVE UPON HOPPE

    My criticism of Hans’ work is highly technical, and I view mine as both restating his and extending it for heterogeneous polities in the anglo model. I’m open to new insights but there just aren’t any. Property like money renders the incommensurable commensurable.

    MISREPRESENTATION OF CRITICAL RATIONALISM

    Critical rationalism argues the following general prescriptions for the ‘moral’ practice of scientific investigation.

    1) Uncertainty. We can never know whether any theory we construct, test and falsify, and therefore can find no fault with, is the most parsimonious description of causal relations possible without stating a tautology (the Truth), or whether new knowledge and understanding will replace our theory with one that is even more parsimonious.

    2) Decidability. Given that the unknown always exists, it is impossible to to choose between theories that are more likely to be true (Decidability), without the addition of subjective preference (Or what in math would be considered contextual precision). In other words, given infinity as a denominator, probability is incalculable.

    3) Criticism. The only means of iterative improvement of any theory is constant criticism (hardening for greater parsimony) which increases the empirical content of a theory, rather than additional confirmation of the theory which do not and cannot. No amount of confirmation will increase the content, only failure and therefore additional increases in parsimony increase increase content.

    OPEN ISSUES IN CRITICAL RATIONALISM

    It is not clear that the following are not true:

    1) Popper’s main concern at the time he wrote was that science not practice pseudoscience in the public space, and that the then-pseudoscience of economics in particular was not used with greater authority than science can offer us. As such his argument is that we not abuse science and instead conduct it morally. It is not clear that this moral argument is in fact as certain as he argues, only that to prevent harm we should act in this manner whether it is true or not. Only empirical research can tell us.

    2) Popper’s argument is a moral not logical, nor scientific one. We must ACT as such because acting as such will produce the best ecology of scientific investigation. It is not at all clear that under empirical analysis:

    ….(a) we appear to be quite good at prosecuting theories with both confirmation (repeating) testing, and falsifying those theories.

    ….(b) we appear to practice investigation by following least-cost means of experimentation. And it is not clear that least-cost-experimentation, because it is empirically incremental in itself, is not the best algorithm for investigation. As such it is not clear that the choice between theories to prosecute is in fact undecidable.

    ….(c) scientists only require a theory be stated in falsifiable terms, and do not practice criticism, but either instead expand application of theory to the point of failure, OR, posit a highly explanatory theory and attempt to confirm it. It is not clear that they would benefit from some other means of investigation, and it appears to be economically as well as logically difficult to imagine that the expansion of a theory to the point of failure, or confirmation then expansion of a grand hypothesis does not produce greater empirical content than criticism of a theory. It is hard to argue otherwise and that is why science practices as they do.

    LESTER’S STRANGE USE OF CRITICAL RATIONALISM

    Lester takes the position that if he can conjecture something that is verbally non-contradictory it stands until it is falsified. As long as he can construct alternative hypotheses then his statements remain unfalsified. Rather than,if he presents us with a hardened argument that is both internally consistent and externally correspondent, and therefore it is open to criticism. Science practices operational language to prevent precisely the kind of verbalism he practices. Operational definitions are necessary to give names to actions and observations that are non-fungible, and are repeatable because repeatability is the only means by which we can test that our perceived meaning that corresponds to reality. Lester seems to feel that he can construct axiomatic arguments by defining terms such as liberty rather than making use of extant terms, then neither subject them to tests of internal consistency, nor external correspondence. Instead, he seems to feel that internal consistency and external correspondence are unnecessary and that falsification must be conducted yet he gives us nothing concretely stated enough to falsify. He does not feel the need to justify his theory, in the sense of constructing internally consistent and externally correspondent statements – only hand wave some verbalism and then run from testing of that argument by providing convenient alternate hypothesis. This is not critical rationalism. It is not criticism. It is a verbal deception.

    FROM LEVIATHAN

    Lester maintains that he constructs a non-moral approach:

    —“An important aspect of the compatibility thesis is the nonโ€ moral approach that I take throughout. It might help to give an early and explicit explanation of this somewhat unusual idea of eschewing moral advocacy. … if it is possible effectively to defend the congruence of liberty and welfare in practice, then there is no practical need for an ultimate moral defense of either”—

    However this just means that he is unfamiliar with the literature on the evolution of morality. And as such he lacks the knowledge that morality (prohibition on free riding) is an objective necessity universal to man, without which cooperation is neither rational nor possible to evolve. Morality is necessary for cooperation.

    And that the prohibition on free riding used in that literature is synonymous with the imposition of costs. (see Axelrod et all, Haidt’s Bibliography).

    In addition, Lester fails to grasp that in all cases we can think of, human satisfaction and dissatisfaction correspond to increases and decreases in property. (See Propertarianism) wherein property is defined empirically through observation of man’s actions, rather than either arbitrarily or pragmatically.

    ****So since lester lacks current understanding of the literature, he is unable to identify that he has correctly identified the moral intuition of imposed cost, but he merely states that imposed cost affects satisfaction, but not the origin of satisfaction and dissatisfaction as the accumulation of various forms of resources.****

    Lester defines ‘moral’ as a synonym for ‘norm’ rather than that the portfolio of norms in any polity consist of (a) objective moral necessities (prohibitions on free riding) given their structure of family and structure of production, (b) arbitrary taboos (c) signals of conformity to norms. So lester fails to correctly understand the difference between the set of norms which includes moral prohibitions, and morals, which are objectively testable statements of morality:

    —“I certainly do not mean to belittle moral arguments as such. It is

    simply that to bring in moral arguments would distract from my

    arguments for objective compatibility. An analogical defense of this non-moral thesis occurs to me. Suppose two undiscovered primitive tribes living in the same region. One tribe thinks that eating any part of animals without hearts is immoral. The other tribe thinks that eating any part of animals without kidneys is

    immoral. They have heated debates about both the moral issues and

    the empirical facts about which animals have which organs. They feel

    moral contempt for each other and continually attack each other in

    attempts to enforce their moral views. Peaceful association suffers

    considerably. “—

    THE PATTERN THAT EMERGES

    Lester relies upon two assumptions: Marxist argumentative technique of dialectic, and definitions of terms as used in colloquial language. (It is perhaps telling that Marx himself noted that by making his arguments using dialectic that he could not be held accountable for their failure. (CD: Cit Needed) )

    So lester (a) misrepresents theories under CR as untestable via defense, against criticisms of internal consistency and external correspondence (b) engages in fungible language, and (c) relies upon dialectical argument. What this pattern results in, is Lester’s convenient insulation from criticism on the one hand, and argument by nothing but colloquial analogy on the other.

    Example:

    —“My view is not that there are ‘essences’ or ‘true meanings’ of these things but that there is often at least one of the following errors concerning them: a sound

    commonsense understanding or plain English usage is being flouted for no valid reason (such as ‘coercion’ being extended beyond ‘the use of force’); there is no clear account of the real phenomenon which some word denotes, and a better account is needed to avoid confusion (such as ‘weakness of will’); there is no clear meaning to some word and so a better definition, only partly stipulative, can assist in clarifying what people must intend (such as the libertarian use of ‘liberty’); there are important logical and practical connections among these ideas and the things they denote in the world, which are no more ‘merely verbal’ than are, say, the theories of geometry (such as anarchy being intrinsically liberal). Thus I intend my approach not to be the mere linguistic analysis of normal usage but what W. W. Bartley, following Popper, calls ‘diacritical analysis’ “—

    It is interesting, and perhaps telling, that both Postmoderns, Libertarians, and Neo-Conservatives rely upon marxist rationalist argumentation rather than science. In the absence of science, meaning, in the absence of observation and instrumentation, it is necessary to rely upon rationalism. But once science is present, all rationalism in all fields has been replaced by that science.

    For example, in the above paragraph:

    –“there is no clear meaning to some word and so a better definition, only partly stipulative, can assist in clarifying what people must intend (such as the libertarian use of ‘liberty’);”–

    This is a confusion of precision. A term, rather than a name, must represent a category rather than an instance, and all terms and theories must exist in correspondence to a context. Newton is not false at human scale, and the speed of light is infinite at human scale, and rather slow at galactic scale.

    We can easily separate necessary properties of a term from arbitrary. Much of intellectual history consists of doing just that.

    So his statement is untrue. It is entirely possible to state the word ‘imagine’ and we understand what imagine must mean in use and in experience, but we cannot understand what the word imagine means in *construction*: how it exists. We can say the same for intuition: the construction of our intuition is invisible to us,but the USE of our intuition is not, and the experience of our intuition is marginally indifferent, so that we can use the name of that experience of intuition both as USE and as EXPERIENCE even if we cannot articulate its CONSTRUCTION.

    So in the case of liberty, liberty is and always has been freedom from imposition by authority – the government (or state). We have used colloquial analogy to refer to anthropomorphic parallels such as fate. We CAN use the term liberty as an analogy for the experience of any interference in our preferences by any actor or anthropomorphized phenomenon. But (a)the term liberty, (b)the anthropomorphized analogy to liberty for use in describing natural phenomenon, and (c) the analogy of liberty for use in the application of political constraint to all human actors even those outside of authoritarian conditions, are not equal conditions. They differ in Construction. As such they are similar referents, but not equal referents.

    Conversely, what they share in common is the prohibition on external constraint. In this sense, Lester’s argument is that we began with the political constraint, by analogy state that refers to general constraint by all natural and supernatural forces, and we apply that general constraint by analogy to the individual actors as well as state actors, and state as a consequence that what we desire in all conditions of life is to be free of constraint analogous to political constraint and then he renames that political constraint’s objective description to the subjective experiential description of a loss of satisfaction.

    He does this to circumvent the opposite: that humans evolved moral intuitions necessary for cooperation, and under the state, when it later evolved, we demanded to retain these moral rules, that reflect our moral intuitions necessary for cooperation.

    Humans can murder, destroy, harm, steal, fraud, fraud by omission, conduct fraud by indirection, fraud by interference, free riding, they can privatize commons, socialize losses into the commons, engage in conspiracies, and form political conspiracies (governments) of beneficial and non-beneficial kinds – all of which impose costs upon others.

    And we referred to liberty we referred to liberty from the state, morality as the freedom from imposition of in-group members.

    HOW IS MINIMIZATION OF IMPOSED COSTS INSTRUMENTALLY CALCULABLE?

    (….it isn’t that’s why we use property…)

    COMPATIBILISM IS NOT THE SAME AS PREFERENCE

    Again, in stating that liberty and welfare are not incompatible he relies upon the same structure of argument: that while they are not incompatible under X conditions and Y preferences, that the may be incompatible and undesirable under X conditions and Z preferences. Which turns out to be the case. That is, that only a small minority of human beings demonstrate a preference for liberty because liberty requires accountability. All humans demonstrate a preference for joining cultures with higher levels of liberty, because with higher levels of liberty (and the higher levels of trust that make liberty possible) we create greater economic velocity and greater ability to consume. As such, individuals rarely demonstrate a preference for liberty, and instead demonstrate a preference for consumption and security.

    So this is the Lesterian method: if there is any hope of something being true it is not falsifiable. And since any set of theories are, under Critical Preference, undecidable, then either may be true.

    however this fails to grasp that while something may not be logically decidable it is always preferentially decidable and humans choose to make those decisions. That is the entire premise of Critical Preference: the content is not extant to make a decision without content external to the theory. Preference is always extant.

    THE THREE METHODS:

    THE ANALYTIC METHOD

    Requires we use precise definitions and speak clearly for precisely these reasons. This produces as close to an axiomatic argument as possible that is therefore testable for internal consistency, and more easily criticized than one that is not.

    THE OPERATIONAL METHOD

    The operational method requires that we use operational definitions so that we know all objects that we consider in our argument are existential through action in practice or thought. And that we are not adding imaginary content.

    THE SCIENTIFIC METHOD

    (………….)

    WHY DO I CARE?

    I care because lester correctly identified morality,and is the only libertarian I have found to correctly identify morality. We cannot construct liberty without morality (cooperation).

    Morality is a necessary property of cooperation. But lester states that (a) his solution is an innovation, where he just substitutes the euphemism “personal liberty’ for ‘morality’, and then claims he has constructed a non-moral, non, propertarian solution to the problem facing libertarians. Then (b) he misstates the problem facing libertarians as failing to grasp what he theorizes, while, in reality, they had always assumed the same principle in subjective value, but also understood that it is not possible to test subjective experiences as a third party jurist. (c) Under a third party jurist, under rule of law, with sufficient axioms (property rights), it is possible to resolve conflicts in a group without rents, bias, favoritism, or arbitrary decision making. Such juridical testing via a third party jurist requires instrumentation. We know that all humans collect property. We know that all humans know the difference between property they constructed without imposition and that which they have not. We know that humans organize inventory of property at the individual, family and extended family and tribe levels. We know that the number of permutations of property as such varies but loosely reflects each family structure. As such Property is the instrumentation by which we test violations of normative expectations of property that the polity is willing to use violence to constraint.

    Central to this argument is that no man is an island. He must cooperate with others in production in some normative capacity, and he must reproduce with others in reproduction in some normative capacity. Or rather he CAN do otherwise but not as a general rule, only as an exception to the general rule – otherwise man would not exist. Capitalism allows us to construct a voluntary organization of production, and freedom to choose our mates within any given family structure, allows us to construct a voluntary organization of reproduction. But in both cases our individualism allows us to construct either reproduction or production voluntarily. That does not mean that we can survive without extant structures and norms.

    Our problem then is one of constructing general rules for the adjudication of differences intolerable to the polity – but not more. This process eliminates retaliation, eliminates demand for the state, and allows the rational adjudication of differences just as property, money and prices allow rational calculation of planning. Both dispute resolution and planning are required for the voluntary organization of production. The voluntary organization of production has proven infinitely more productive than the involuntary organization of production in no small part because it provides incentives to work, as well as provides incentives to innovate.

    Lester presents us with a word game by simply replacing morality with the contradiction in terms of ‘interpersonal liberty’, instead of defining morality as freedom from the imposition of costs, and liberty as the freedom from the imposition of costs by the state. Furthermore, Lester does not solve the problem of instrumentation, where instrumentation in juridical dispute is the problem facing libertarians.

    (a) given the necessity of humans to collect resources of all kinds, and;

    (b) given human subjective emotional responses reflect increases and decreases in inventory of various forms of property accumulated, and;

    (c) given that cooperation is only valuable if it increases inventories rather than decreases them (parasitism), and;

    (c) given that different polities evolve allocation of decision making over property at various levels of atomicity that reflects the needs of the means of production and the structure of the family engaged in production (and reproduction), and;

    (d) that various groups construct different allocations of property rights that they are willing to adjudicate (use violence for the purpose of punishment or restitution.)

    (e) allocations of property rights will vary to reflect the needs of the polity.

    (f) that total atomicity of property provides incentives to individuals, and the ability to engage in rational economic calculation regardless of family structure.

    We currently use property as the instrumental test of unjustified interference in the behaviors of others…..

    SOLVING THE PROBLEM OF INSTRUMENTALISM

    We have the following choices:

    (a) we must, despite current failures, identify a necessary, non-preferential definition of property and the means of transgression against it;

    Conclusion The common law provides the incremental means of protecting us from crime, fraud, free riding, socialization, privatization, conspiracy. As such the rule of law, organically produced, using property as an instrumental measure of violation of the rules of cooperation necessary for production.

    The difference between this propertarian position and the lesterian position is that our answer is necessary and testable.

    Or (b) we must empirically test what definition of property provides people with the experience of liberty and define the experience of liberty as people demonstrate the experience of liberty.

    Conclusion: the current evidence is that small, homogenous communities that operate as extended families produce the highest trust and therefore the greatest kinship defense (redistribution) as well as the highest economic velocity. These people prohibit even the most tentatively immoral actions.

    Or (c) we must abandon property as the objective instrumental measure of whether we experience a condition of liberty or not, and then identify an alternative means of measurement;

    Conclusion we can find no alternative that both is instrumentally ascertainable, and permits the voluntary (meritocratic)structure of production thereby giving us control over our reproduction (structure of reproduction).

    Or (d) we must identify how to eliminate all possible means of transgression against our property, regardless of its constitution, such that no limit to our consideration of property is necessary.

    Conclusion: we accomplish this feat by using the common law, and contractual government, to eliminate demand for the state either as a suppressor of retaliation, and enforcer of arbitrary norms, producer of commons, and insurer of last resort.

    As such libertarians have two choices. Either

    1) define property as all possible forms of property that humans demonstrate, articulate them in the law, and thereby construct a high-trust polity. (The conservative proposition), with no demand for the state.

    2) Define all possible property humans demonstrate and ask communities to subscribe to those that suit their preferences at the expense of trust (economic velocity), with no demand for the state.

    3) Determine the limit at which polities with different properties demonstrate demand for the state.

    More later if I can find anything of value….


    Source date (UTC): 2014-09-22 09:50:00 UTC

  • LESTER’S THEORY OF LIBERTY IS MEANINGLESS His claim: He has created a theory of

    LESTER’S THEORY OF LIBERTY IS MEANINGLESS

    His claim:

    He has created a theory of liberty

    That theory of liberty precedes any dependence upon property (depends on the definition of property)

    That theory precedes any dependence upon morality (this is false)

    That this theory obviates the dependence upon property for the definition of liberty. (property is not the question, the practical scope of property adjudicable under law is the question, furthermore subjective value is assumed but untestable by third parties)

    That this theory is innovative (it is merely a restatement of subjective value)

    I can criticize it as such:

    1) “interpersonal liberty” is a contradiction in terms. Liberty has referred to freedom from interference in matters of property by the state. One cannot conduct interpersonal state operations. That is a contradiction in terms.

    2) morality is demonstrable as a prohibition against free riding necessary for any organism to cooperate. Free riding is an imposed cost.

    3) Lester has substituted the contradiction of “interpersonal liberty” for “morality”, rather than expressing liberty as the state of freedom from state imposition of costs (immorality).

    To refute this

    (a) one must demonstrate that the term liberty with its long history evolved as moral rather than political prohibition. (I think this is impossible)

    OR

    (b )To demonstrate that morality defined as the imposition of costs (free riding in economic and anthropological terms) is somehow different from the political imposition of costs. (I think this is impossible)

    THEREFORE HIS ARGUMENT IS NOT PRE-MORAL, IT IS EXPRESSLY MORAL AND HIS CLAIM IS FALLACIOUS: IT IS MERELY A WORD GAME – A DECEPTION OR AN ERROR.

    FURTHERMORE

    The purpose of property is to eliminate deception because of the impossibility of measuring changes in subjective value, (lying); and furthermore, the degree of suppression of free riding is dependent upon the economic division of labor AND the family structure extant in any polity. As such the definition of property varies from group to group as the conditions necessary for the conduct of free riding (cost imposition) is constituted from variable conditions. Property definitions limit the scope of impositions of merit to the community.

    Change in satisfaction is synonymous with subjective value. There is no difference. There is no debate outside of marxism with subjective value. The question is the objective means of measuring what the polity tolerates as decreases in subjective value that the community is willing to use violence in order to perform restitution.

    As such while he claims to have solved the problem of liberty, he has not, since his argument is no improvement over subjective value, and our problem is a means of measurement of something immune to deception that we are willing to use force in order to rectify (restitution).

    The question of liberty (preventing state immorality under rule of law) requires one of the following:

    (a) we must, despite current failures, identify a necessary, non-preferential definition of property and the means of transgression against it;

    Or (b) we must empirically test what definition of property provides people with the experience of liberty and define the experience of liberty as people demonstrate the experience of liberty.

    Or (c) we must abandon property as the objective instrumental measure of whether we experience a condition of liberty or not, and then identify an alternative means of measurement;

    Or (d) we must identify how to eliminate all possible means of transgression against our property, regardless of it constitution, such that no limit to our consideration of property is necessary.

    24 mins ยท Like

    Calling a cat a dog does not change the properties of the cat.

    Saying the cart comes before the horse doesn’t fly either. Morality precedes liberty.

    You can choose to call me whatever name you want but that does not change me.

    You can call someone else my name but that does not make him me.

    You can call morality the name “interpersonal liberty”, but that does not mean the properties of “interpersonal-liberty” are not is identical with morality. They are.

    His whole edifice is nonsense. Empty verbalism. And furthermore it’s as bad an abuse of critical rationalism as I have ever seen.


    Source date (UTC): 2014-09-21 23:30:00 UTC

  • (more thoughts) Either libertarianism stands scientific criticism or it doesn’t.

    (more thoughts)

    Either libertarianism stands scientific criticism or it doesn’t. So far it doesn’t. And either an argument can be constructed scientifically or it can’t. I can and have constructed it scientifically where it is open falsification. It can be criticized by rational argument. It can be weakly falsified by surveys, and it can be hard-falsified by experiment. Why should libertarianism be buried in the backwater of pseudoscience? It would be one thing if it had to be, and therefore had to remain an ideology, and neither a philosophy or a scientifically supportable argument. But that isn’t the case. If we CAN state libertarianism scientifically then what are we afraid of other than the rather obvious fact that to construct a state of liberty one will require a high trust polity that suppresses unethical as well as at least SOME immoral conduct?


    Source date (UTC): 2014-09-21 18:38:00 UTC

  • I took me a long time to understand how he could construct such complex fallacie

    I took me a long time to understand how he could construct such complex fallacies, but once I understood that he substitutes accusations of stupidity for all moral resistance it was clear that he is merely an immoral man attempting to apply aggregate inter-state morality to particular intra-state (tribal) groups. He is calling morality and moral man stupid. His argument is that we should prefer wealth over morality.

    Think about that for a minute. **We should prefer wealth over morality.**


    Source date (UTC): 2014-09-16 11:16:00 UTC

  • OK, I can work with this. Thanks. But first we have to get by some criticisms th

    http://www.propertarianism.com/2014/06/21/mises-praxeology-as-the-failure-to-develop-economic-operationalism-yes/Well, OK, I can work with this. Thanks. But first we have to get by some criticisms that bother me, before we get to the central argument. But by the last paragraph “CLOSING” that argument should be a bit clearer. You may or may not agree with what I’ve stated; but at least you will understand why I am so interested in your line of reasoning.

    THREE CRITICISMS OF “PHILOSOPHICAL IMPERIALISM”

    1) –“if you were to state it plainly and succinctly, then I might understand it.”—

    This statement is always troubling to me, since if Hegel, Heidegger and Nietzsche were so influential, not to mention Darwin (who is widely misunderstood), why is it that a particular set of ideas must be, or even CAN be, plainly and succinctly stated? Cantor is widely understood in USE, but the fact that he substitutes frequency for quantity and thereby eliminating time, thus fabricating infinity is not. Mathematicians rely on mathematical platonism without understanding why, and thereby the causal reasons why their math ‘works’ despite its presumed abandonment of operational correspondence. Is Popper plainly and succinctly stated – if so then why do we need such constant ‘clarification’ of his ideas? Is the three worlds truth plainly stated or is it merely a useful a analogy for conveying meaning?

    Meaning (analogy to experience) is quite different from correspondence independent of experience. As such meaning is self referential. Truth can be stated independently of the transfer of meaning. Constructing a bridge between meaning (extant experience) and in-extant experience is not a property of truth but of the complexity of accumulating interstitial relations. Is Critical Preference plainly stated? Is Critical Rationalism plainly stated? Since I spend quite a bit of time on this subject, and Agassi and a dozen others must constantly attempt to promote these ideas, when why is “plain statement” not merely a cover for ‘low investment cost by resorting to familiar analogy’.

    CP may be morally true (Popper’s objective being moral), and it may be logically true if we ignore the evidence, but it is not empirically true as far as we can tell, nor is it how scientists functionally operate. And while that research has not been done, nor was even given casual consideration by Popper, the evidence to date does not reflect the theory. So meaning is not a test of anything other than the relative position of two speakers. The cost of bridging the difference is merely a choice of opportunity costs between investments.

    That fairly obvious statement made, I think I can probably get to the point within this email – or at least close enough.

    2) —“In any case, empiricism is a philosophical theory”—

    Empiricism is a philosophical justification for stating a proposition in human language. Observation, hypothesis, action and observed consequence existed and were widely used prior to philosophy, and quite certainly, prior to language. So, again, this is a fallacious constraint. One does not require philosophy except as a common language for the purpose of efficiently conveying shared meaning. I could, if I look at history, argue that the purpose of philosophy is purely justificationary and nothing more. Or as Durant argued given his study of it, that it consists largely of erroneous verbal imagination, whereas history does not – it is a record of man’s demonstrated actions. However as a means of organizing similar systems of thought it has proven adequate for meaningful discourse, if, like string theory, insufficiently constraining to constitute a test of honest testimony (abstracted as ‘truth’). I organize my work into metaphysics, epistemology, truth, ethics, politics and aesthetics. But that is more a matter of protocol or good manners than necessity. Philosophy makes no claim on truthful testimony as to mans actions and observations.

    3) –“Whether it is or not, what you write seems more about sociology and anthropology.”–

    That would seem an immaterial criticism would it not? Is not the consequence of that criticism methodologically induced ignorance? One way to address this question is whether philosophy as practiced (not as proposed) is used in practice as is religion (a means of achieving shared belief and therefore shared ends), or whether it is used as is geometry or say, physics, (to achieve descriptive correspondence with reality regardless of what we believe) so that we can act in accordance with it. I don’t do dogma so to speak. So either we make true propositions or we do not. In making true propositions we do not get to define the boundaries of the method, without of necessity mandating falsehoods. Methodological boundaries are crutches for justifying ignorance: selection bias.

    ON TO THE CENTRAL PROPOSITION

    –“All libertarians tend to get morality right. “—

    This doesn’t seem to be true does it? Then did Rothbard get morality right? In other words, is the combination of aggression against intersubjectively verifiable property a test of morality? Furthermore, when you say ‘imposed cost’, that incomplete statement requires that we know what it is imposed against. So, without a definition of property (or some substitute), no test of aggression or imposition is meaningful. The definition of property one relies upon determines the scope of that which we aggress or impose upon.

    –“I aimed to get liberty right.”–

    This is what I am curious about. If we evolve a set of affairs and give it a name, and then describe it’s causal properties, and give that set of properties a name, then I can understand that. I can understand defining liberty as a state of affairs described objectively, or a set of actions taken, or the experience of an individual in response to circumstances. What I can’t understand quite yet (and that may be because I am looking for something that isn’t there) – is if there is a distinction between an objectively moral state of affairs which we can experience and act to produce, and a state of liberty that we can experience and act to produce. Is there a difference, or are morality and liberty descriptions of the same phenomenon from objective and subjective points of view?

    –“You do not say what you think [philosophy] is, as I have.”–

    Well, (aside from that statement’s questionable use of the verb to be), first, this lack of clarity is because I am being timid with this topic since it is one of the central problems I am struggling with: whether philosophy is a very loose form of calculation: whether the various forms of calculation (identity, naming, counting, relations, logic, causality, cooperation, AND philosophy) are antecedent to philosophy, or whether calculation is consequent to philosophy. Second, since I suspect the former, I am working under the assumption that philosophy constitutes a process of calculation in the broader sense, using descriptive language to attempt to compensate for the incommensurability of objects of comparison and the fragmentary knowledge we have of those objects of consideration. In other words, not the normative description of the discipline, but the constituent actions practiced in the discipline, regardless of tradition and opinion. (More on this if you are interested, although the basic question should be obvious). Now, we can approach the definitions of philosophy as traditionally stated (a) a systematic analysis of branches of knowledge, (b) a systemic body of knowledge, or (c) general rules to assist us in taking actions. (Which I take to be degrees of formalism and nothing more). And we can discuss it analogistically and normatively (religion and morality), rationally(in continental and cosmopolitan language), analytically (as the internal correspondence of sets), or scientifically (as a means of incorporating advances in knowledge into our current system of thought such that our ideas correspond increasingly to reality). As far as I know, this set of properties in both spectra are reducible to assisting us in taking action in different spheres of our lives given fragmentary knowledge at any given time.) My question is probably lost, but my concern is not meaning but truth: why is it that philosophy has been such a fertile vehicle for deception (propaganda)? And how can we insulate ourselves from philosophical obscurantism and deception the way we have insulated ourselves from religious mysticism? Not only strictly within philosophy but across the works of public intellectuals as well.

    WE NEED TWO DEFINITIONS HERE

    “CALCULATION” : The term is generally used to describe a spectrum of methods of reasoning, from the very definite arithmetical calculation of using an algorithm, to the vague heuristics of calculating a strategy in a competition or calculating the chance of a successful relationship between two people. CALCULATION(performed by humans) vs COMPUTATION (which can be performed by computers). Reason then constitutes a subset of calculation using language which consists of heterogeneous objects of comparison. I tend to rely upon \calculation because calculations are largely insulated from framing and loading. This is necessary when we reduce all rights to property rights and all morality to imposed costs. Loading and framing with values are no longer necessary, and can only be seen as attempts at deception.

    “CALCULATIVE INSTITUTIONS” โ€“ The set of technologies that permit human beings to extend their perception and comparison ability, and therefore their ability to understand and forecast in complexity, particularly within a division of knowledge and labor, as a means of assisting in planning, forecasting, production and decision making. Specifically those institutions include: numbers, counting, arithmetic, accounting, algebra, calculus, statistics, combined with money, numeric time, banking, interest, contract, rule of law, combined with narrative, history, objective truth, combined with property, exchange, trade, markets.

    WHY? WHAT PROBLEM IS TO BE SOLVED?

    Why? Because Mises failed in economics, Brouwer failed in math, and Bridgman failed in science. (See http://www.propertarianism.com/2014/06/21/mises-praxeology-as-the-failure-to-develop-economic-operationalism-yes/ ). And so did Popper and Hayek for that matter, fail in ethics and politics. And had they not, they would have reversed the fallacy of platonic truth, in favor of performative truth (which I tend to operationalize and clarify as ‘Testimonial Truth’). (See: http://www.propertarianism.com/2014/07/28/the-central-argument-western-truth-vs-platonic-truth/ ) And we very likely could have avoided the current necessity for science to reform itself after a century of pseudoscience. And we would not have been so subject to the deceptions of the marxists, socialists, postmodernists, keynesians, even Rothbard’s immoral libertinism for that matter.

    And why does this matter? Because we have just spent a century under the influence of a second wave of mysticism (Marx, Freud, Cantor, Keynes, Mises, Rothbard, Russell, the Frankfurt school, the Postmodernists and their various offspring), constructed by verbalisms (obscurant analogy). If philosophy, distributed by media, can be used to cause such harm, and is no less harmful than mystical religion distributed by Orators and Print, then we are left with the need to reform philosophy the way we reformed religion. We can see that much of science, at least that science which relies upon tests instead of models, and experimental psychology in particular, have largely reformed themselves over the past half century. But despite the failure of the metaphysical program and its usurpation by cognitive science, we seem to have failed to reform the discipline of philosophy. (Hence the trend of university departments being combined with those of religion and literature.)

    How did philosophy become such a utilitarian vehicle for deception, pseudoscience, restated religion, obscurantism, framing, loading and overloading such that it was the primary means by which the public was misled? Why did we abandon Grammar, Rhetoric and Ethics and Morality when those three are at at least loosely calculable methods and measures? Why has the systemic attack on western unique preference for (if not unique understanding of) truth-telling been so successful?

    REFORMATIONS

    As such, (a) what reforms are necessary in philosophy that would defend the body politic from that discipline and its further use as what I think you would call ‘propaganda’ – but that I would call deceptive manipulation (synonyms possibly, but I prefer the pejorative). (b) While reformation of the discipline is not necessarily possible (and possibly not desirable), reformation prohibiting the use of obscurantism, overloading, loading and framing, in our institutions (law, politics, ethics and morality) may be. (c) What institutional protections can be put in place that prevent the use of sophisticated philosophical, argumentative, and pseudoscientific deception via obscurantism, overloading, loading and framing. (Terms which I don’t think I need to define.) (d) Since only one institution appears to be necessary (organic law, limited to the prohibition on free-riding and imposed cost, positively articulated as property rights ), can we use such property rights adjudicable under the common law, under universal standing, to defend against damage to (theft via fraud from) the conceptual commons, the normative commons, the legal commons, and the political commons? And (e), if so, under what linguistic constraints would such law be articulated?

    We have for quite some time understood that original intent, strict construction, and operational language, sunsetting can constrain organic law (not regulatory nor legislative), but like aggression or imposed cost, we must start with some theory of property rights to protect with original intent, strict construction, operational language, and sunsetting. As such what is the definition of property that we prevent the imposition of costs against?

    Questions:

    1) Is there a difference between the actions necessary for the respect of objective property rights, and of the actions necessary for the respect of moral rules? (I think I know this answer: objectively moral statements are universal prohibitions on involuntary transfer, however the allocation of property in any polity reflects its abilities, organization of reproduction – the family, means of production – division of labor, and the formal institutions that insure those property rights – law. )

    2) Under what conditions will demand for the state dissipate sufficiently that it is rational for members to form a voluntary polity? What institutions are necessary to eliminate demand for an authoritarian state, and a monopoly bureaucracy? (I am fairly certain this requires a high trust society that suppresses nearly all free riding and imposed cost.)

    3) We pay for our norms by forgoing opportunities for benefit. Each of these forgone opportunities is a cost to us. As such we have born a cost for our norms – almost all of which, if criminal, ethical or moral, are prohibitions on involuntary transfer (imposed cost/free riding) OR signals of the promise of avoiding involuntary transfer (imposed cost / free riding). So are not all members of a polity who respect norms simply un-enumerated but factually shareholders in the common asset of normative capital?

    4) As such I see the definition of property necessary for the formation of a voluntary polity to be nearly all possible means of involuntary transfer, imposed costs, and free riding.

    5) Competitively speaking, what occurs when all groups compete using the same evolutionary strategy? The loser is predetermined by his abilities within the rules of the strategy. And the losers can almost always identify this and change their strategy. So why are property rights prohibiting all imposition of costs/free riding/ involuntary transfers, beneficial to all? What would happen to Gypsies if they took up honorable professions? So why is it we would expect the same moral codes, codified in law, to be universally desirable to all, rather than, as we have now, high trust and low trust societies with more authoritarian and lower scope of property rights, and less authoritarian and greater scope of property rights?

    CLOSING

    This should be enough to help you understand my line of inquiry, and my interest in your definition of morality, yet uncertainty of your definition of property that can be imposed against. While I agree with your definition of a condition of liberty, I am not yet certain that it’s meaningful unless we also know your definition of property. My definition of property is a general rule of prohibiting all forms of involuntary transfer, free riding and imposed cost (arguably synonyms), within any pair of structures of production and reproduction, and that liberty is the condition within any pair of structures of reproduction and production in which I am free of free riding, imposed costs, and involuntary transfers. And as I understand it, I can find no other means of suppressing impositions other than the organic evolution of the common law positively stated as property rights, whose single cause is the prohibition upon free riding, imposed costs and involuntary transfers, expressed ‘calculatively’ as original intent, strict construction, and sunsetting. Furthermore that all violations of those property rights and impositions of costs (losses) are lost opportunities for productive exchange (gains), and therefore ‘thefts’ (imposed costs). Given that the state and bureaucracy must of necessity be defined as monopolies, and monopolies cannot knowingly construct an environment of voluntary exchange, the state and bureaucracy (once rule of law is established), violate property rights, and every time create conflict by prohibiting voluntary exchange that would in the main, force the lower classes to demonstrate high trust behavior (respect for property rights) in exchange for the production of commons or the receipt of discounts and redistributions. All imposed costs by the state are not only thefts, but thefts of opportunity for productive exchange. (I cannot cover all the streams and eddies of this argument in this short space but it should be sufficient for our purposes.)

    As others have noted, I am quite capable of clarity when I choose to be clear. However clarity requires a sufficient frame of reference, and a willing participant to discourse with. Otherwise it is a great deal of effort expended upon trial and error, without known return for both parties.

    Again, thank you for your time and patience. I’m very grateful.

    Curt Doolittle

    On Sat, Sep 13, 2014 at 7:38 AM, JCL <jclester@gmail.com> wrote:

    >I dont think I seriously misunderstand philosophy. ๐Ÿ™‚

    You do not say what you think it is, as I have.

    > Maybe just the opposite. I only misunderstand it if I fail. ๐Ÿ™‚ So far I have made it farther than anyone else.

    Farther towards what? Can you say in two short sentences, what philosophical problem are you trying to solve and what is your proposed solution?

    >But it could be an intellectual dead end. Unfortunately neither of us can know that yet. :).

    Whether it is or not, what you write seems more about sociology and anthropology.

    >I do agree that I rely on the sciences and their emphasis on external correspondence rather than the logic of internal consistency.

    Philosophy cannot be reduced to internal consistency. Science can be used to test and inform theories, but not relied on. In any case, empiricism is a philosophical theory. Therefore it cannot be used to refute philosophy.

    >But even that moderate statement may be difficult to parse. And as I suggested, it’s probably a bit much for email. I can only leave breadcrumbs and they aren’t enough of a trail.

    Theories that are not a confused muddle can usually be stated plainly, boldly, and succinctly.

    >I had hoped to find some common ground because I argue that you are correct and I would like to restate your argument in Propertarian terms if I can understand your reasoning well enough not to misrepresent it.

    But I use liberty to explain property, not property to explain liberty. That previous attachment ought to be clear.

    >But if the breadcrumbs aren’t enough then the investment required of you is too high and you have no way to know if its worthwhile.

    I see little philosophy and little clarity.

    >I have, believe it or not, obtained enough insight from our exchange, your work, and postings to understand your frame of reference. I wish you could understand mine. Its lonely out here. ;). Lol

    As I wrote, if you were to state it plainly and succinctly, then I might understand it.

    >Thanks again. Kudos for getting morality right.

    All libertarians tend to get morality right. I aimed to get liberty right.

    Jan


    Source date (UTC): 2014-09-13 11:32:00 UTC

  • ACKNOWLEDGE COLLAPSE BUT PUSSY-OUT’s ON THE SOLUTION A year ago I would not have

    http://online.wsj.com/articles/the-assembly-of-a-new-world-order-1409328075KISSINGER ACKNOWLEDGE COLLAPSE BUT PUSSY-OUT’s ON THE SOLUTION

    A year ago I would not have understood why today I do: the failure of the western program is a failure of his program.

    But there is an obvious answer to the new world order. Abandon multi-culturaism and the corporates state and re-nationalize liberalism.

    There is no common good.


    Source date (UTC): 2014-08-29 13:56:00 UTC

  • OBAMA SUCCEEDED: HE DESTROYED AMERICA The problem with this clown, is that he’s

    OBAMA SUCCEEDED: HE DESTROYED AMERICA

    The problem with this clown, is that he’s bought into the fantasy that the USA’s policing of the postwar world is bad somehow, and that without western policing of the planet that it’s going to be better. It’s not. It’s going to be more violent. That’s OK, for me I guess. But the smart man would have constructed a plan for controlled reduction of our forces so that there was’t a power vacuum for settling old scores.


    Source date (UTC): 2014-08-28 09:20:00 UTC

  • If You Could Only Own One Libertarian Treatise, Which One Would You Choose: ‘human Action’,รขย  ‘man, Economy, And State’, Or ‘the Constitution Of Liberty’?

    Human action is a work of pseudoscience through chapter 15, and after 15 is fully integrated into mainstream economics.  So it is not useful.  Mises failed to discern that economics, like physics and mathematics was subject to an epistemic requirement for operational definitions. And while he intuited something close to correct, he was unable to solve it, and first cast praxeology as a ‘science’ without reliance upon the scientific method – which by itself is a definition of a pseudoscience, and second, stated that all of economics was deducible from the first principle of human action. Also demonstrably false, and solidifying his work as pseudoscientific.  The correct answer in operational terms is that if any empirical observation in economics cannot be reduced to a sequence of rational human actions, then it cannot in fact be ‘true’.   The first 15 chapters are an elaborate attempt to justify his fallacy.

    Man economy and state ignores, and like all of Rothbard’s works,  intentionally attempts to undermine the western competitive cultural advantage that northern europeans, by virtue of constructing the only high trust society, are the only people on earth capable of constructing commons.  So, this book is actually half correct – bureaucracy leads to despotism.  And half deception: that does not mean that the organized construction of commons and the prevention of free riding upon or consumption of those commons is not a strategic competitive advantage, or that commons cannot be produced through alternative means.  It is an elaborate fallacy on the scale, if not quality, of Freud’s psychology, Marx’s Capital, Cantor’s sets and Mises’ Praxeology.

    The Constitution of liberty is an historical and scholarly work demonstrating that the only known means of preserving freedom is through a constitution of private property rights and the organic evolution of the common law.   Hayek’s failure in his work, was his reliance on what was know in his day, and his insufficient emphasis on the scope of property rights, original intent,  and strict construction, nor the institutional means of maintaining those three constraints.  Unfortunately for all three authors, computer science would rescue the world from platonism, where logic, math, science, and economics had failed: the existence proof, and our ability to promise that we make true statements.

    Of these three the only book of value is the Constitution of Liberty.  The rest is simply

    Curt Doolittle
    The Propertarian Institute
    Kiev Ukraine

    https://www.quora.com/If-you-could-only-own-one-Libertarian-treatise-which-one-would-you-choose-Human-Action-Man-Economy-and-State-or-The-Constitution-of-Liberty

  • LET ME GET THIS STRAIGHT – ROTHBARD JUST DOES A LAME JOB OF RIPPING OFF HOSPERS?

    http://johnhospers.com/Articles/EOL.pdfSO LET ME GET THIS STRAIGHT – ROTHBARD JUST DOES A LAME JOB OF RIPPING OFF HOSPERS?

    Sigh. What did Rand call these people who just used other people’s ideas?


    Source date (UTC): 2014-08-18 14:52:00 UTC

  • Nike Store. London. Oxford Circus. Terrible staff. Should have videoed her. Acti

    Nike Store. London. Oxford Circus. Terrible staff. Should have videoed her. Acting as if we are privileged to have her attention. The man next to her waiting on three different customers at once. This one, making us queue up and using her little order machine to make sure that no one asked questions, so that she handled as few customers, and as few questions as possible. Starting tomorrow I will video lousy clerks in London shops. I mean, my experience with this country is that ‘work’ is no longer part of the conceptual or behavioral inventory. But at least honestly still is.


    Source date (UTC): 2014-08-17 15:01:00 UTC