Form: Critique

  • Against Lester’s Verbalism – With Lee Waaks.

    An important new book by J. C. Lester, defending his own robust and ground breaking form of libertarianism – without foundations – in a critical rationalist manner: Explaining Libertarianism: Some Philosophical Arguments


    [S]igh,

    Except his ‘groundbreaking’ argument, deducing subjective value from the colloquial use of the term ‘liberty’, is a meaningless verbalism; and worse, his abuse of critical rationalism amounts to ‘I can get away with saying this’ rather than ‘I have tried to falsify this every possible way, and can’t, and I’m going to ignore existing theory that is causally and operationally explicative rather than merely verbally metaphorical’.

    He pretends to circumvent property, but it’s simply an act of creative application of the term liberty (the demand that the state also adhere to interpersonal prohibitions on parasitism). I thought it was so ridiculous that I didn’t bother refuting it. But then, the difference between meaning and action appears to be lost on most practitioners of philosophy who happily engage in empty language games. And he’s making an empty language game – even if by doing so he stumbled on the correct origins.

    Humans, like all mobile creatures, are acquisitive. Emotions are expressions in changes in state of property. We defend our property. We seek opportunities for cooperation because it’s more productive than solitary efforts. But cooperation must be productive and therefore non-parasitic to be rational. So we punish free riders (aggressors) aggressively. Therefore impose no costs upon others for property en toto, else we return to violence, since cooperation is no longer valuable.

    Where Lester is potentially right and the Anarchists are definitely wrong, is that his theory does not seek to justify the conclusion that several (private) physical property alone is definable as property, and enforceable as property rights, but that any cost that the individual bears is defined by the individual as property. in other words, property is subjective: that which we have invested in acquiring without parasitism upon that which others have invested in acquiring.

    Cooperation also determines the scope of property rights that we are willing to enforce, despite the subjective value definition of property. So we cooperate to produce property rights as well as cooperate to produce that which we subjectively determine is property.

    Liberty deserves better than empty verbalism.

    Lee C Waaks <He pretends to circumvent property, but it’s simply an act of creative application of the term liberty (the demand that the state also adhere to interpersonal prohibitions on parasitism). I thought it was so ridiculous that I didn’t bother refuting it.> Apparently you thought it so ridiculous you may not have actually read his book. Lester does not equate liberty with property because he has a “pre-propertarian” theory of liberty. There is nothing wrong with eschewing a colloquial use of the word “liberty” if it helps to clarify what we mean by liberty. In his view, liberty is the absence of proactive impositions. Liberty is not equivalent to property/property rights because property rights are a solution to a problem. What is the problem? The reduction of impositions. What are impositions? A flouting of our liberty. In any event, liberty is hardly synonomous with liberty in today’s academy or popular culture.

    Lee C Waaks <Where Lester is potentially right and the Anarchists are definitely wrong, is that his theory does not seek to justify the conclusion that several (private) physical property alone is definable as property, and enforceable as property rights, but that any cost that the individual bears is defined by the individual as property. in other words, property is subjective: that which we have invested in acquiring without parasitism upon that which others have invested in acquiring.> Lester does not attempt to justify any conjecture as he states repeatedly in several essays/books. His unjustified conjecture is that liberty delivers more want satisfaction and liberty. Why does he thinks this? For many of the reasons that you do.

    —“Lester does not equate liberty with property because he has a “pre-propertarian” theory of liberty.”—

    [N]o. That’s just the word-game he uses. (And in doing so abuses critical rationalism on a scale that only a rationalist could.) It’s embarrassing really.

    Oh wait, “People use the term liberty as such… therefore….”. OMG. Honestly?

     – We move, we remember, so we can acquire.
     – We acquire. When we acquire, costs are subjective, therefor value is subjective.
     – We developed emotions to reward us for acquisition and punish us for loss.
     – We defend what we remember having acquired (property). We developed emotions to reward us for defense, and punish us in the presence of theft or loss.
     – We cooperate (to increase production). We developed emotions that reward us for cooperation, and punish us for failure.
     – Cooperation evolved in-group (kinship), We evolved to grant priority to in-group members. (males more so than females who were portable between groups of males)
     – We prohibit free riding (to preserve the incentive to cooperate) even in kinship groups, by defending production with the same vehemence we defend our property. We developed emotions (moral intuitions) to prevent parasitism.
     – We developed moral intuitions to eliminate or control alphas (to wider distribution of mates).
     – We developed norms for more elaborate rules preventing parasitism.
     – We developed myths rituals and religions for institutionalizing them.
     – We developed laws to institutionalize them further.
     – We developed property rights as a contractual limit upon what our group of mutual insurers (those we cooperate with) are willing to act to enforce without damaging the cooperative incentive itself.
     – We developed prohibitions on parasitism via alphas, authorities, norms, rules, rituals, and institutions because it is reproductively to our advantage to control our options.

    [N]O PRE-PROPERTY LIBERTY CAN EXIST BECAUSE PROPERTY (Defense of one’s acquisitions) EVOLVED PRIOR TO COOPERATION – MORAL RULES – AND COOPERATION PRIOR TO MORAL CONSTRAINT UPON INSTITUTIONS/AUTHORITY/ALPHAS: LIBERTY.

    I don’t disagree with him that (a) value is subjective, and (b) that imposing costs upon others is a violation of the necessary physical law of cooperation, and that this law is the cause of moral intuitions, and moral facts. What I disagree with is that he abused critical rationalism, and committed the kind of rationalist word-game that I would like to see made illegal in matters of property (of all kinds), because it is precisely the vehicle that the other side uses to lie, cheat, steal, free ride AND IMPOSE COSTS upon us with.

    You kept advocating his work, and I finally read it. But it’s nonsense. It’s 20th century pseudoscience.

    So, it’s not that I don’t understand. It’s that he worked backward from liberty and therefore justified it rather than constructed it from first principles by causal necessity and then criticized it.

    He said that I wasn’t doing philosophy, that he was doing philosophy, and that I was doing anthropology or social science. He’s right. That’s what I’m doing. Worse: I’m actively trying to outlaw what he is doing, as Hayek’s warning against 20th century mysticism.

    The only reasons philosophy and science are not synonyms are (a) that prior to now, we didn’t understand that there is but one logical rule to morality – prohibition imposition of costs, or positively stated, requirement for voluntary transfer. And (b) that without operationalism (action) it is impossible to eradicate imaginary information from rational content. In other words, there isn’t any difference between philosophy and science any longer, and it’s time to put rationalism to bed along with mysticism.

    Curt Doolittle

    Lee C Waaks <No. That’s just the word-game he uses. (And in doing so abuses critical rationalism on a scale that only a rationalist could.) It’s embarrassing really.>

    There is no word-game here. He’s simply trying to get to the meaning of liberty. It’s an exercise in clarification. Liberty — in a political sense — is about interpersonal relations. We can see (and daily experience) the myriad ways in which we can impose upon each other. Why a “pre-propertarian” theory of liberty? Because it brings into great relief the problem we are trying to solve, i.e. how to all get along; a modus vivendi. Property is a solution to that problem but property is not liberty itself.

    <He said that I wasn’t doing philosophy, that he was doing philosophy, and that I was doing anthropology or social science. He’s right. That’s what I’m doing. Worse: I’m actively trying to outlaw what he is doing, as Hayek’s warning against 20th century mysticism.>

    Of course, Lester incorporates sociology/anthropology (economics) into his views. It informs his conjecture that liberty will serve mankind best.

    You accuse him of word-games and mysticism but all he has done is conjecture that libertarianism will best promote liberty and welfare. His writing is very lucid and practically devoid of academic jargon.



    Meaning(Allegories of experiences) = “Recursive”, un-laundered of imaginary content. bias and error.
    Description(Names of operations) = “True”, laundered of imaginary content, bias, and error.

    You have to ask you self how silly it is to say “I am trying to find the meaning of x”. That it itself is a fascinatingly ridiculous question.

    It’s a violation of existence. How does that ‘meaning’ exist? how did it come to be? Why is it possible to deduce ‘truth’ from ‘meaning’?

    Liberty has a long etymological history. We can observe the content that was added and removed from it (which is how words evolve, and analogies evolve).

    Sigh.

    Meaning.

    This is why philosophy is relegated to comparative religion. That at postmodernism.

    Lee C Waaks <You have to ask you self how silly it is to say “I am trying to find the meaning of x”. That it itself is a fascinatingly ridiculous question.>

    Words don’t matter too much. A definition is a tautology. But what happens when a socialist claims he is for “liberty” and a libertarian claims he is for “liberty”? We might want to clarify; try to get at something. What is liberty? Surely it relates to how we get along? And surely this has to do with not imposing on one another? Hence, his view of liberty. It’s not much of a stretch and it’s very coherent. Lester’s argument is pre-properarian, so it avoids equating liberty with property, thereby avoiding accusations from socialists of question begging. It’s also objective: whatever the moral implications, we cannot deny an imposition is real if someone says he has been imposed upon (unless he/she is lying). It would be hard for a socialist to argue that he prefers to be imposed upon! That’s where the issue of welfare comes in: Lester can argue/conjecture that libertarianism produces more welfare *in addition to minimizing impositions* by employing sociological/empirical arguments. Clearly, if libertarianism (or propertarianism…whatever) led to horrible outcomes, we would not want it, so we might have to surrender some liberty. But liberty and welfare appear to be highly compatible.

    [Y]ou mean, justify.
    It’s ok. It’s hard to accept, but it’s an elaborate justifiation that relies upon the fact that you (and he apparently) cannot intuit or articulate the causal relations under the analogies that you (and he ) are using.

    His argument is not pre-propertarian. It can’t be, because imposing costs upon others whehter yo ucall them psychic or some other point of view, is tautological with property, since all changes in state that cause decreases in satisfaction (that we know of) are changes in property (that which one bears costs to gain or lose). If we say he experiences a cost, or he feels a negative emotion, or his satisfaction is decreased, or his anticipated inventory has declined is merely verbal – tautological. In the end, it’s subjective value. The objectve change in state is the one I described.

    The fact that this verbalism fools you is understandable, although it does frustrate the hell out of me, because it’s evidence of how difficult it is to require truthful speech: internally consistent, externally correspondent, operationally defined, falsified, and moral (free of imposed cost/involuntary transfer).

    His argument fails the requirement for operational definition. It is non-causal, but merely allegorical. The fact that the allegory overloads your rational ability is no different from the fact that you cannot anticipate the consequences of declaring a set of axioms in mathematics, despite the fact that all such consequences are deterministic.

    Hoppe justified his arguments. Rothbard his. Mises his. And Lester his. It’s convenient to work from the conclusion to the premise.

    The question is not whether you CAN say something, but whether having tried to defeat it, the answer remains. He didn’t falsify his argument. I did.

    His argument fails the test of operational (causal) articulation. It is constructed of analogies taking advantage of the confusion of mixing the point of view of the observer and observed phenomenon.

    Conversely, the operational example I gave survives scrutiny under evolutionary necessity, is operationally possible, and etymologically correspondent. Liberty means that no authority violates moral rules, and moral rules evolved in interpersonal cooperation, prohibiting free riding (the imposition of costs) and

    Rationalism is the best way to lie. It works as a means of lying because it is possible to overload us by analogies, and not know it, whereas operational definitions, if they overload us, we do know it.

    We can make such catastrophic errors because we WANT TO MAKE THOSE ERRORS. That’s th epurpose of justification. If we overload our reason, we can activate our intuition. Others can use suggestion on us. But we can use it on ourselves.

    Childish really.

    Science isn’t anything other than a set of moral rules of falsification. And falsification isn’t anything other than eliminating our abiilty to overload, intuit, bias, lie, and err.

    Lee C Waaks <His argument is not pre-propertarian. It can’t be, becasue imposing costs upon others whehter yo ucall them psychic or some other point of view, is tautological with property, since all changes in state that cause decreases in satisfaction (that we know of) are changes in property (that which one bears costs to gain or lose).>

    We can, conceptually speaking, think in pre-propertarian terms. Yes, costs are tautological with property in the sense that imposing a cost means imposing a cost on someone’s person (assuming self-ownership) or an external physical object one seeks to own/control. But we can easily imagine a state of affairs without clear (or no) property rights and then see the problems/impositions that exist without them and the solutions/minimization of costs that result when we implement property rights. For example, if you were marooned on a deserted island and Friday shows up, it would impose upon Friday if you were to claim the entire island and all its resources for yourself, thereby forcing Friday to starve to death (assuming he doesn’t choose to kill you). On the other hand, Friday shouldn’t take your harvested food supply as that would impose upon you. But you could both share the island’s food stuffs and even cooperatively hunt/gather. You could even create property rights in a lagoon for bathing, i.e. you bathe on Tuesday/Thur and he bathes on Mon/Wed. You seem to argue as if property rights inhere in the physical objects you have created or fenced in or are currently farming, etc.

     —“We can, conceptually speaking, think in pre-propertarian terms.”—

    That’s Verbalism. (You should try to state that operationally. Meaning: existentially.) I know of no circumstances in which humans can possibly exist without property, nor can I imagine how humans would act without the existence of property. There are no conditions under which humans exist and are conscious and capable of action in which property does not exist: that which the human is willing to defend from taking or destruction or punish because of taking or destruction.

    No pre-property condition exists. Emotions reflect changes in state of property.

    I may have obtained property rights by your consent, and property rights cannot exist without your consent, but I can demonstrate the existence of property in all cases where human beings also exist. Humans cannot exist without it. Whether alone or in groups.

    –“Yes, costs are tautological with property in the sense that imposing a cost means imposing a cost on someone’s person”—

    Actually, both Jan and I agree that this is **causing someone to experience a negative sensation***, and that the negative sensation is caused by the perceived increase or decrease in one’s expended effort to obtain, or required effort to replace(whenever one discovers such an affect, if ever).

    –“(assuming self-ownership) or an external physical object one seeks to own/control.”–

    Self-ownership is an unnecessary, justificationary nonsense-term. Either I expended effort to obtain something, would be required to expend effort to defend something, or would be required to expend effort to replace something, or I anticipate obtaining something that now I cannot, or must bear additional costs to obtain.

    My property is that which I expended effort to obtain, I choose to defend, seek restitution for, or seek to punish the taking or destruction or taking of.

    –“But we can easily imagine a state of affairs without clear (or no) property rights”–

    Corrected: we can imagine a state of affairs in which parties have not agreed to grant one another the promise not to impose costs upon the other of one or more kinds.

    And as such we can say that we can imagine a state of affairs in which no property RIGHTS exist, because no such RIGHTS exist until an agreement (tacit or explicit) has been made between the parties.

    —“and then see the problems/impositions that exist without them and the solutions/minimization of costs that result when we implement property rights.”—

    Now we are talking about a contractual right not to impose costs upon others, but property demonstrably unconditionally existed prior to any such agreement. Property precedes the contractual agreement not to impose costs upon each other. This is a purely empirical statement. Almost all creatures demonstrate this to behavior. They must. It is a necessity.

    —“for example, if you were marooned on a deserted island and Friday shows up, it would impose upon Friday if you were to claim the entire island and all its resources for yourself, thereby forcing Friday to starve to death (assuming he doesn’t choose to kill you).”—

    His presence is an imposition, unless we come to agreement. If no such agreement is reached, then killing each other is clearly the preference. One is not better than the other per-se. Cooperation is a better alternative only if it is indeed a better alternative. Otherwise simply killing him seems to be a better idea.

    —“On the other hand, Friday shouldn’t take your harvested food supply as that would impose upon you. But you could both share the island’s food stuffs and even cooperatively hunt/gather. You could even create property rights in a lagoon for bathing, i.e. you bathe on Tuesday/Thur and he bathes on Mon/Wed.”–

    Well you, it may be a linguistic artifact, but you are now entering into ‘should’ territory. I don’t make should arguments. I leave that for priests. And I dont resort to intuition and emotion in order to make decisions. Logical Decidability cannot depend upon introspection. Science requires that we eliminate those contaminants from our judgements – otherwise we cannot warranty that we are speaking truthfully.

    So, Friday “can or cannot, usefully can, or cannot usefully, prefers to or prefers not to.” Now, it is possibly wiser to keep the option open for cooperation since cooperation is terribly valuable, but the question of ‘should’ never enters the conversation. It is either an advantage or not.

    –“You seem to argue as if property rights inhere in the physical objects you have created or fenced in or are currently farming, etc.”—“–

    I say nothing of the sort. I say that man universally demonstrates that which is his property by that which he defends, as demonstrated, visible, empirical evidence of experiencing an imposed cost upon him.

    A property RIGHT is obtained by entry into a contract. So, it is not, and cannot be, that I have a property RIGHT prior to the contract, it is that I have incurred costs and as such defend my property from destruction or theft.

    However, property is a name for an experience, which produces an action. The right is external to the property.

    CLOSING
    There are no conditions under which property does not exist because human perception of negative or positive experience could not exist, because human positive and negative experience is caused by the change in the state of property, wehre property is that which the individual experiences cost in the accumulation, defense, and loss.

    Curt

    Lee C Waaks
    Thanks for your reply Curt.
    <I know of no circumstances in which humans can possibly exist without property, nor can I imagine how humans would act without the existence of property. There are no conditions under which humans exist and are conscious and capable of action in which property does not exist: that which the human is willing to defend from taking or destruction or punish because of taking or destruction.>

    Of course, even the USSR had property. There has always been property, even prior to the state. And there has also been collective ownership, too. A pre-propertarian theory does not deny that physical control over resources (private, collective or mixed) is necessary for human flourishing but it does allow us to show what liberty is without making it synonymous with property or property rights. Property rights are not synonymous with liberty because property rights are what we use as a defense against impositions. For example, if I paint a picture with resources I have gathered, we could argue that I own it even in a “state of nature”. If you come along and destroy it, you have imposed upon me. This is an objective fact. Property rights are not synonymous with liberty because property rights are designed to stop impositions like e.g. you destroying my painting. “Pre-propertarian” is not referring to a world without property; it’s referring to a theory of liberty not based on property rights themselves. This theory does not deny the near timeless existence of property; it merely states what liberty is in terms of a modus vivendi in a world where property (collective and private) already exists.

    [P]ATH:

    1) life->movement->memory->property->
    2) intention-sympathy->cooperation->morality(anti-parasitism)->
    3) normative rules->property ‘rights’->law of property rights.
    4) expansion of cooperation and reduction of transaction costs and local rent seeking by centralization(monopoly) of rules->
    5) political application of morality(liberty) in response to centralization.
    6) expansion of norms to enforce political morality (liberty)
    7) expansion of laws to enforce political morality (liberty)

    That is the historical, causal, and praxiological evolution of our institutions in biological, normative, and institutional forms. That is not only what occurred, but what MUST occur since information does not exist in the prior states. Just as ‘liberty’ does not exist in prior states, because ‘liberty’ requires an organized means of imposing costs upon others. That does not exist, and cannot exist, prior to property.

    There is no condition under which property in fact does not exist, because it exists prior to cognition of it, prior to cooperation, prior to society, prior to norms, prior to government, prior to state.

    Property is a demonstrable, empirically observable, empirically testable, universal behavior. Property rights whether in normative or legal form, exist after the evolution of cooperation.

    At this point I am talking science, and you are not.

    As such, any position you take is, of necessity, for the purpose of justifying some unscientific argument or unscientific position.

    Verbalisms are nonsense stories we tell ourselves in order to justify our wants.

    As far as I know quod erat demonstrandum.

    Lester’s work is nonsense. It isn’t evil nonsense. Since his arguments justify his presuppositions, then his justification is at least a moral one.

    [S]o I have tried multiple times now to separate existential property: that which we defend – from property rights: that which a community consents to enforcing. But this seems to be escaping you. Individuals demonstrate ‘property’ without the existence of other humans. Just as all animals do.

    Demonstrated property(existentially observable) versus property rights(“promises to insure”).


    William Butchman:
     
    QUESTION: Curt, would you say that those steps that you list in our evolution are provable? Is this argument provable using current scientific literature? For example, “We developed emotions to reward us for acquisition and punish us for loss.” Is there science lit on this?


    Maybe a better question: Does every step need to be provable in the scientific literature?

     

     

    William,

    This is a great question.

    Science does not ask us to prove so much as attempt to disprove that which corresponds to the facts. Theories demonstrate explanatory power, and increasingly parsimonious (simple), internally consistent, externally correspondent, operationally possible theories, are pretty good theories. The more durable they are the better.

    Yes, the literature exists on evolutionary development. Most of it is listed on my web site’s reading lists. Most of it has been developed in the past thirty years. It is getting so consistent that it is hard to argue with it. (Which is good, because it contradicts postmoderns and progressives).

    But we can also look to evolutionary necessity, which is an operational argument: each of these behaviors that I describe exists at different states of development in many different organisms. (See Butler Schaeffer’s book for a non technical discussion.) But each depends on a prior state of development. You have to have the prior before you can have the latter.

    (There aren’t any exceptions – evolution largely increases complexity – although having that argument is not an easy one given the simplicity of a virus as a suite of parts, versus the evolution of a virus into a complex organism and then the gradual loss of increasingly unnecessary parts).

    Now, next, if we take the physicist’s methodology and say what information was necessary to construct X, the information does not exist in prior states, only in later states. (I hope this is obvious, but if it isn’t then tell me).

    So the argument is internally consistent, externally correspondent, operationally possible, and it is extremely parsimonious. Extremely. It is a very simple argument: We move so that we can access more calories. We remember so that we can access them better. We collect because we can access them better and more consistently. We cooperate because it is more productive (vastly so), we evolved morality (anti-parasitism) as a warning against punishment by others for free riding upon them, and as an instinct to punish free riders. We developed language to teach offspring, to negotiate, and control by gossip. As numbers increased we developed norms, traditions, religions, and laws, and political systems to maintain the incentives to both produce and to abstain from parasitism (outside of kin).

    This is an extremely simple argument. It will be very difficult to find a superior argument. Just as it is turning out that almost all of nature is far more violent than we humans are – despite our status as super-predators.

    So, briefly, I am very confident that while no scientific argument is provable, scientific arguments are defendable from criticism, and can survive. A law is a theory we simply cannot discover a means of disproving. The problem for anyone with an opposing theory would be in providing a more parsimonious (simplistic) correspondent consistent, and operationally possible argument.

    I am not saying that such a thing is impossible. Just that I know the literature, and no such argument exists. And I am pretty confident that any future argument that improves upon my argument will in fact, improve it, not falsify it.

    Thanks as always.
    Affection.
    Curt

  • Against Lester’s Verbalism – With Lee Waaks.

    An important new book by J. C. Lester, defending his own robust and ground breaking form of libertarianism – without foundations – in a critical rationalist manner: Explaining Libertarianism: Some Philosophical Arguments


    [S]igh,

    Except his ‘groundbreaking’ argument, deducing subjective value from the colloquial use of the term ‘liberty’, is a meaningless verbalism; and worse, his abuse of critical rationalism amounts to ‘I can get away with saying this’ rather than ‘I have tried to falsify this every possible way, and can’t, and I’m going to ignore existing theory that is causally and operationally explicative rather than merely verbally metaphorical’.

    He pretends to circumvent property, but it’s simply an act of creative application of the term liberty (the demand that the state also adhere to interpersonal prohibitions on parasitism). I thought it was so ridiculous that I didn’t bother refuting it. But then, the difference between meaning and action appears to be lost on most practitioners of philosophy who happily engage in empty language games. And he’s making an empty language game – even if by doing so he stumbled on the correct origins.

    Humans, like all mobile creatures, are acquisitive. Emotions are expressions in changes in state of property. We defend our property. We seek opportunities for cooperation because it’s more productive than solitary efforts. But cooperation must be productive and therefore non-parasitic to be rational. So we punish free riders (aggressors) aggressively. Therefore impose no costs upon others for property en toto, else we return to violence, since cooperation is no longer valuable.

    Where Lester is potentially right and the Anarchists are definitely wrong, is that his theory does not seek to justify the conclusion that several (private) physical property alone is definable as property, and enforceable as property rights, but that any cost that the individual bears is defined by the individual as property. in other words, property is subjective: that which we have invested in acquiring without parasitism upon that which others have invested in acquiring.

    Cooperation also determines the scope of property rights that we are willing to enforce, despite the subjective value definition of property. So we cooperate to produce property rights as well as cooperate to produce that which we subjectively determine is property.

    Liberty deserves better than empty verbalism.

    Lee C Waaks <He pretends to circumvent property, but it’s simply an act of creative application of the term liberty (the demand that the state also adhere to interpersonal prohibitions on parasitism). I thought it was so ridiculous that I didn’t bother refuting it.> Apparently you thought it so ridiculous you may not have actually read his book. Lester does not equate liberty with property because he has a “pre-propertarian” theory of liberty. There is nothing wrong with eschewing a colloquial use of the word “liberty” if it helps to clarify what we mean by liberty. In his view, liberty is the absence of proactive impositions. Liberty is not equivalent to property/property rights because property rights are a solution to a problem. What is the problem? The reduction of impositions. What are impositions? A flouting of our liberty. In any event, liberty is hardly synonomous with liberty in today’s academy or popular culture.

    Lee C Waaks <Where Lester is potentially right and the Anarchists are definitely wrong, is that his theory does not seek to justify the conclusion that several (private) physical property alone is definable as property, and enforceable as property rights, but that any cost that the individual bears is defined by the individual as property. in other words, property is subjective: that which we have invested in acquiring without parasitism upon that which others have invested in acquiring.> Lester does not attempt to justify any conjecture as he states repeatedly in several essays/books. His unjustified conjecture is that liberty delivers more want satisfaction and liberty. Why does he thinks this? For many of the reasons that you do.

    —“Lester does not equate liberty with property because he has a “pre-propertarian” theory of liberty.”—

    [N]o. That’s just the word-game he uses. (And in doing so abuses critical rationalism on a scale that only a rationalist could.) It’s embarrassing really.

    Oh wait, “People use the term liberty as such… therefore….”. OMG. Honestly?

     – We move, we remember, so we can acquire.
     – We acquire. When we acquire, costs are subjective, therefor value is subjective.
     – We developed emotions to reward us for acquisition and punish us for loss.
     – We defend what we remember having acquired (property). We developed emotions to reward us for defense, and punish us in the presence of theft or loss.
     – We cooperate (to increase production). We developed emotions that reward us for cooperation, and punish us for failure.
     – Cooperation evolved in-group (kinship), We evolved to grant priority to in-group members. (males more so than females who were portable between groups of males)
     – We prohibit free riding (to preserve the incentive to cooperate) even in kinship groups, by defending production with the same vehemence we defend our property. We developed emotions (moral intuitions) to prevent parasitism.
     – We developed moral intuitions to eliminate or control alphas (to wider distribution of mates).
     – We developed norms for more elaborate rules preventing parasitism.
     – We developed myths rituals and religions for institutionalizing them.
     – We developed laws to institutionalize them further.
     – We developed property rights as a contractual limit upon what our group of mutual insurers (those we cooperate with) are willing to act to enforce without damaging the cooperative incentive itself.
     – We developed prohibitions on parasitism via alphas, authorities, norms, rules, rituals, and institutions because it is reproductively to our advantage to control our options.

    [N]O PRE-PROPERTY LIBERTY CAN EXIST BECAUSE PROPERTY (Defense of one’s acquisitions) EVOLVED PRIOR TO COOPERATION – MORAL RULES – AND COOPERATION PRIOR TO MORAL CONSTRAINT UPON INSTITUTIONS/AUTHORITY/ALPHAS: LIBERTY.

    I don’t disagree with him that (a) value is subjective, and (b) that imposing costs upon others is a violation of the necessary physical law of cooperation, and that this law is the cause of moral intuitions, and moral facts. What I disagree with is that he abused critical rationalism, and committed the kind of rationalist word-game that I would like to see made illegal in matters of property (of all kinds), because it is precisely the vehicle that the other side uses to lie, cheat, steal, free ride AND IMPOSE COSTS upon us with.

    You kept advocating his work, and I finally read it. But it’s nonsense. It’s 20th century pseudoscience.

    So, it’s not that I don’t understand. It’s that he worked backward from liberty and therefore justified it rather than constructed it from first principles by causal necessity and then criticized it.

    He said that I wasn’t doing philosophy, that he was doing philosophy, and that I was doing anthropology or social science. He’s right. That’s what I’m doing. Worse: I’m actively trying to outlaw what he is doing, as Hayek’s warning against 20th century mysticism.

    The only reasons philosophy and science are not synonyms are (a) that prior to now, we didn’t understand that there is but one logical rule to morality – prohibition imposition of costs, or positively stated, requirement for voluntary transfer. And (b) that without operationalism (action) it is impossible to eradicate imaginary information from rational content. In other words, there isn’t any difference between philosophy and science any longer, and it’s time to put rationalism to bed along with mysticism.

    Curt Doolittle

    Lee C Waaks <No. That’s just the word-game he uses. (And in doing so abuses critical rationalism on a scale that only a rationalist could.) It’s embarrassing really.>

    There is no word-game here. He’s simply trying to get to the meaning of liberty. It’s an exercise in clarification. Liberty — in a political sense — is about interpersonal relations. We can see (and daily experience) the myriad ways in which we can impose upon each other. Why a “pre-propertarian” theory of liberty? Because it brings into great relief the problem we are trying to solve, i.e. how to all get along; a modus vivendi. Property is a solution to that problem but property is not liberty itself.

    <He said that I wasn’t doing philosophy, that he was doing philosophy, and that I was doing anthropology or social science. He’s right. That’s what I’m doing. Worse: I’m actively trying to outlaw what he is doing, as Hayek’s warning against 20th century mysticism.>

    Of course, Lester incorporates sociology/anthropology (economics) into his views. It informs his conjecture that liberty will serve mankind best.

    You accuse him of word-games and mysticism but all he has done is conjecture that libertarianism will best promote liberty and welfare. His writing is very lucid and practically devoid of academic jargon.



    Meaning(Allegories of experiences) = “Recursive”, un-laundered of imaginary content. bias and error.
    Description(Names of operations) = “True”, laundered of imaginary content, bias, and error.

    You have to ask you self how silly it is to say “I am trying to find the meaning of x”. That it itself is a fascinatingly ridiculous question.

    It’s a violation of existence. How does that ‘meaning’ exist? how did it come to be? Why is it possible to deduce ‘truth’ from ‘meaning’?

    Liberty has a long etymological history. We can observe the content that was added and removed from it (which is how words evolve, and analogies evolve).

    Sigh.

    Meaning.

    This is why philosophy is relegated to comparative religion. That at postmodernism.

    Lee C Waaks <You have to ask you self how silly it is to say “I am trying to find the meaning of x”. That it itself is a fascinatingly ridiculous question.>

    Words don’t matter too much. A definition is a tautology. But what happens when a socialist claims he is for “liberty” and a libertarian claims he is for “liberty”? We might want to clarify; try to get at something. What is liberty? Surely it relates to how we get along? And surely this has to do with not imposing on one another? Hence, his view of liberty. It’s not much of a stretch and it’s very coherent. Lester’s argument is pre-properarian, so it avoids equating liberty with property, thereby avoiding accusations from socialists of question begging. It’s also objective: whatever the moral implications, we cannot deny an imposition is real if someone says he has been imposed upon (unless he/she is lying). It would be hard for a socialist to argue that he prefers to be imposed upon! That’s where the issue of welfare comes in: Lester can argue/conjecture that libertarianism produces more welfare *in addition to minimizing impositions* by employing sociological/empirical arguments. Clearly, if libertarianism (or propertarianism…whatever) led to horrible outcomes, we would not want it, so we might have to surrender some liberty. But liberty and welfare appear to be highly compatible.

    [Y]ou mean, justify.
    It’s ok. It’s hard to accept, but it’s an elaborate justifiation that relies upon the fact that you (and he apparently) cannot intuit or articulate the causal relations under the analogies that you (and he ) are using.

    His argument is not pre-propertarian. It can’t be, because imposing costs upon others whehter yo ucall them psychic or some other point of view, is tautological with property, since all changes in state that cause decreases in satisfaction (that we know of) are changes in property (that which one bears costs to gain or lose). If we say he experiences a cost, or he feels a negative emotion, or his satisfaction is decreased, or his anticipated inventory has declined is merely verbal – tautological. In the end, it’s subjective value. The objectve change in state is the one I described.

    The fact that this verbalism fools you is understandable, although it does frustrate the hell out of me, because it’s evidence of how difficult it is to require truthful speech: internally consistent, externally correspondent, operationally defined, falsified, and moral (free of imposed cost/involuntary transfer).

    His argument fails the requirement for operational definition. It is non-causal, but merely allegorical. The fact that the allegory overloads your rational ability is no different from the fact that you cannot anticipate the consequences of declaring a set of axioms in mathematics, despite the fact that all such consequences are deterministic.

    Hoppe justified his arguments. Rothbard his. Mises his. And Lester his. It’s convenient to work from the conclusion to the premise.

    The question is not whether you CAN say something, but whether having tried to defeat it, the answer remains. He didn’t falsify his argument. I did.

    His argument fails the test of operational (causal) articulation. It is constructed of analogies taking advantage of the confusion of mixing the point of view of the observer and observed phenomenon.

    Conversely, the operational example I gave survives scrutiny under evolutionary necessity, is operationally possible, and etymologically correspondent. Liberty means that no authority violates moral rules, and moral rules evolved in interpersonal cooperation, prohibiting free riding (the imposition of costs) and

    Rationalism is the best way to lie. It works as a means of lying because it is possible to overload us by analogies, and not know it, whereas operational definitions, if they overload us, we do know it.

    We can make such catastrophic errors because we WANT TO MAKE THOSE ERRORS. That’s th epurpose of justification. If we overload our reason, we can activate our intuition. Others can use suggestion on us. But we can use it on ourselves.

    Childish really.

    Science isn’t anything other than a set of moral rules of falsification. And falsification isn’t anything other than eliminating our abiilty to overload, intuit, bias, lie, and err.

    Lee C Waaks <His argument is not pre-propertarian. It can’t be, becasue imposing costs upon others whehter yo ucall them psychic or some other point of view, is tautological with property, since all changes in state that cause decreases in satisfaction (that we know of) are changes in property (that which one bears costs to gain or lose).>

    We can, conceptually speaking, think in pre-propertarian terms. Yes, costs are tautological with property in the sense that imposing a cost means imposing a cost on someone’s person (assuming self-ownership) or an external physical object one seeks to own/control. But we can easily imagine a state of affairs without clear (or no) property rights and then see the problems/impositions that exist without them and the solutions/minimization of costs that result when we implement property rights. For example, if you were marooned on a deserted island and Friday shows up, it would impose upon Friday if you were to claim the entire island and all its resources for yourself, thereby forcing Friday to starve to death (assuming he doesn’t choose to kill you). On the other hand, Friday shouldn’t take your harvested food supply as that would impose upon you. But you could both share the island’s food stuffs and even cooperatively hunt/gather. You could even create property rights in a lagoon for bathing, i.e. you bathe on Tuesday/Thur and he bathes on Mon/Wed. You seem to argue as if property rights inhere in the physical objects you have created or fenced in or are currently farming, etc.

     —“We can, conceptually speaking, think in pre-propertarian terms.”—

    That’s Verbalism. (You should try to state that operationally. Meaning: existentially.) I know of no circumstances in which humans can possibly exist without property, nor can I imagine how humans would act without the existence of property. There are no conditions under which humans exist and are conscious and capable of action in which property does not exist: that which the human is willing to defend from taking or destruction or punish because of taking or destruction.

    No pre-property condition exists. Emotions reflect changes in state of property.

    I may have obtained property rights by your consent, and property rights cannot exist without your consent, but I can demonstrate the existence of property in all cases where human beings also exist. Humans cannot exist without it. Whether alone or in groups.

    –“Yes, costs are tautological with property in the sense that imposing a cost means imposing a cost on someone’s person”—

    Actually, both Jan and I agree that this is **causing someone to experience a negative sensation***, and that the negative sensation is caused by the perceived increase or decrease in one’s expended effort to obtain, or required effort to replace(whenever one discovers such an affect, if ever).

    –“(assuming self-ownership) or an external physical object one seeks to own/control.”–

    Self-ownership is an unnecessary, justificationary nonsense-term. Either I expended effort to obtain something, would be required to expend effort to defend something, or would be required to expend effort to replace something, or I anticipate obtaining something that now I cannot, or must bear additional costs to obtain.

    My property is that which I expended effort to obtain, I choose to defend, seek restitution for, or seek to punish the taking or destruction or taking of.

    –“But we can easily imagine a state of affairs without clear (or no) property rights”–

    Corrected: we can imagine a state of affairs in which parties have not agreed to grant one another the promise not to impose costs upon the other of one or more kinds.

    And as such we can say that we can imagine a state of affairs in which no property RIGHTS exist, because no such RIGHTS exist until an agreement (tacit or explicit) has been made between the parties.

    —“and then see the problems/impositions that exist without them and the solutions/minimization of costs that result when we implement property rights.”—

    Now we are talking about a contractual right not to impose costs upon others, but property demonstrably unconditionally existed prior to any such agreement. Property precedes the contractual agreement not to impose costs upon each other. This is a purely empirical statement. Almost all creatures demonstrate this to behavior. They must. It is a necessity.

    —“for example, if you were marooned on a deserted island and Friday shows up, it would impose upon Friday if you were to claim the entire island and all its resources for yourself, thereby forcing Friday to starve to death (assuming he doesn’t choose to kill you).”—

    His presence is an imposition, unless we come to agreement. If no such agreement is reached, then killing each other is clearly the preference. One is not better than the other per-se. Cooperation is a better alternative only if it is indeed a better alternative. Otherwise simply killing him seems to be a better idea.

    —“On the other hand, Friday shouldn’t take your harvested food supply as that would impose upon you. But you could both share the island’s food stuffs and even cooperatively hunt/gather. You could even create property rights in a lagoon for bathing, i.e. you bathe on Tuesday/Thur and he bathes on Mon/Wed.”–

    Well you, it may be a linguistic artifact, but you are now entering into ‘should’ territory. I don’t make should arguments. I leave that for priests. And I dont resort to intuition and emotion in order to make decisions. Logical Decidability cannot depend upon introspection. Science requires that we eliminate those contaminants from our judgements – otherwise we cannot warranty that we are speaking truthfully.

    So, Friday “can or cannot, usefully can, or cannot usefully, prefers to or prefers not to.” Now, it is possibly wiser to keep the option open for cooperation since cooperation is terribly valuable, but the question of ‘should’ never enters the conversation. It is either an advantage or not.

    –“You seem to argue as if property rights inhere in the physical objects you have created or fenced in or are currently farming, etc.”—“–

    I say nothing of the sort. I say that man universally demonstrates that which is his property by that which he defends, as demonstrated, visible, empirical evidence of experiencing an imposed cost upon him.

    A property RIGHT is obtained by entry into a contract. So, it is not, and cannot be, that I have a property RIGHT prior to the contract, it is that I have incurred costs and as such defend my property from destruction or theft.

    However, property is a name for an experience, which produces an action. The right is external to the property.

    CLOSING
    There are no conditions under which property does not exist because human perception of negative or positive experience could not exist, because human positive and negative experience is caused by the change in the state of property, wehre property is that which the individual experiences cost in the accumulation, defense, and loss.

    Curt

    Lee C Waaks
    Thanks for your reply Curt.
    <I know of no circumstances in which humans can possibly exist without property, nor can I imagine how humans would act without the existence of property. There are no conditions under which humans exist and are conscious and capable of action in which property does not exist: that which the human is willing to defend from taking or destruction or punish because of taking or destruction.>

    Of course, even the USSR had property. There has always been property, even prior to the state. And there has also been collective ownership, too. A pre-propertarian theory does not deny that physical control over resources (private, collective or mixed) is necessary for human flourishing but it does allow us to show what liberty is without making it synonymous with property or property rights. Property rights are not synonymous with liberty because property rights are what we use as a defense against impositions. For example, if I paint a picture with resources I have gathered, we could argue that I own it even in a “state of nature”. If you come along and destroy it, you have imposed upon me. This is an objective fact. Property rights are not synonymous with liberty because property rights are designed to stop impositions like e.g. you destroying my painting. “Pre-propertarian” is not referring to a world without property; it’s referring to a theory of liberty not based on property rights themselves. This theory does not deny the near timeless existence of property; it merely states what liberty is in terms of a modus vivendi in a world where property (collective and private) already exists.

    [P]ATH:

    1) life->movement->memory->property->
    2) intention-sympathy->cooperation->morality(anti-parasitism)->
    3) normative rules->property ‘rights’->law of property rights.
    4) expansion of cooperation and reduction of transaction costs and local rent seeking by centralization(monopoly) of rules->
    5) political application of morality(liberty) in response to centralization.
    6) expansion of norms to enforce political morality (liberty)
    7) expansion of laws to enforce political morality (liberty)

    That is the historical, causal, and praxiological evolution of our institutions in biological, normative, and institutional forms. That is not only what occurred, but what MUST occur since information does not exist in the prior states. Just as ‘liberty’ does not exist in prior states, because ‘liberty’ requires an organized means of imposing costs upon others. That does not exist, and cannot exist, prior to property.

    There is no condition under which property in fact does not exist, because it exists prior to cognition of it, prior to cooperation, prior to society, prior to norms, prior to government, prior to state.

    Property is a demonstrable, empirically observable, empirically testable, universal behavior. Property rights whether in normative or legal form, exist after the evolution of cooperation.

    At this point I am talking science, and you are not.

    As such, any position you take is, of necessity, for the purpose of justifying some unscientific argument or unscientific position.

    Verbalisms are nonsense stories we tell ourselves in order to justify our wants.

    As far as I know quod erat demonstrandum.

    Lester’s work is nonsense. It isn’t evil nonsense. Since his arguments justify his presuppositions, then his justification is at least a moral one.

    [S]o I have tried multiple times now to separate existential property: that which we defend – from property rights: that which a community consents to enforcing. But this seems to be escaping you. Individuals demonstrate ‘property’ without the existence of other humans. Just as all animals do.

    Demonstrated property(existentially observable) versus property rights(“promises to insure”).


    William Butchman:
     
    QUESTION: Curt, would you say that those steps that you list in our evolution are provable? Is this argument provable using current scientific literature? For example, “We developed emotions to reward us for acquisition and punish us for loss.” Is there science lit on this?


    Maybe a better question: Does every step need to be provable in the scientific literature?

     

     

    William,

    This is a great question.

    Science does not ask us to prove so much as attempt to disprove that which corresponds to the facts. Theories demonstrate explanatory power, and increasingly parsimonious (simple), internally consistent, externally correspondent, operationally possible theories, are pretty good theories. The more durable they are the better.

    Yes, the literature exists on evolutionary development. Most of it is listed on my web site’s reading lists. Most of it has been developed in the past thirty years. It is getting so consistent that it is hard to argue with it. (Which is good, because it contradicts postmoderns and progressives).

    But we can also look to evolutionary necessity, which is an operational argument: each of these behaviors that I describe exists at different states of development in many different organisms. (See Butler Schaeffer’s book for a non technical discussion.) But each depends on a prior state of development. You have to have the prior before you can have the latter.

    (There aren’t any exceptions – evolution largely increases complexity – although having that argument is not an easy one given the simplicity of a virus as a suite of parts, versus the evolution of a virus into a complex organism and then the gradual loss of increasingly unnecessary parts).

    Now, next, if we take the physicist’s methodology and say what information was necessary to construct X, the information does not exist in prior states, only in later states. (I hope this is obvious, but if it isn’t then tell me).

    So the argument is internally consistent, externally correspondent, operationally possible, and it is extremely parsimonious. Extremely. It is a very simple argument: We move so that we can access more calories. We remember so that we can access them better. We collect because we can access them better and more consistently. We cooperate because it is more productive (vastly so), we evolved morality (anti-parasitism) as a warning against punishment by others for free riding upon them, and as an instinct to punish free riders. We developed language to teach offspring, to negotiate, and control by gossip. As numbers increased we developed norms, traditions, religions, and laws, and political systems to maintain the incentives to both produce and to abstain from parasitism (outside of kin).

    This is an extremely simple argument. It will be very difficult to find a superior argument. Just as it is turning out that almost all of nature is far more violent than we humans are – despite our status as super-predators.

    So, briefly, I am very confident that while no scientific argument is provable, scientific arguments are defendable from criticism, and can survive. A law is a theory we simply cannot discover a means of disproving. The problem for anyone with an opposing theory would be in providing a more parsimonious (simplistic) correspondent consistent, and operationally possible argument.

    I am not saying that such a thing is impossible. Just that I know the literature, and no such argument exists. And I am pretty confident that any future argument that improves upon my argument will in fact, improve it, not falsify it.

    Thanks as always.
    Affection.
    Curt

  • CONTRA KINSELLA’S VAPID CRITICISM OF LESTER (From Elsewhere H/T Lee Waaks.) 1) i

    CONTRA KINSELLA’S VAPID CRITICISM OF LESTER

    (From Elsewhere H/T Lee Waaks.)

    1) it’s possible to classify lester’s argument as “pre-property RIGHTS”, even if it’s not pre-propertarian (pre-property). Property rights require OTHERS. Property requires only the self (an actor).

    2) Lester is correct that the imposition of costs (Subjective Value) is the cause of moral sentiments (retaliatory sentiments).

    3) There is zero need for a theory of liberty. We have a term called ‘liberty’ that has been around for centuries. All ‘liberty’ means and ever has meant, is that interpersonal moral constraints, or interpersonal local norms, are not violated by organized imposition of order (of one kind or another). in the original versions (latin, greek and babylonian) it meant ‘not a slave’ or ‘having permission’.

    4) There is NOTHING fuzzy about the imposition of costs. That would invalidate subjective value. (ie: that would be profoundly stupid).

    5) Kinsella uses IP as the litmus test and works backward from there rather than seeing IP as a potentially legitimate contract for exclusive supply in a polity in order to obtain products and services that could not be constructed without such subsidies. The problem is not the use of contracts of exclusivity when they are to one’s advantage. Instead, it is that these contracts are used indiscriminately when they are a disadvantage to consumers. There would be no reason for a voluntary, corporeal government to issue exclusivity contracts, as long as those contracts were open to suit under universal standing. If the government met the burden of proof, then it could stand, and if not it would fall. The politicization of these contracts, and the insulation of participants from suit is the principle problem with them. Otherwise, it’s merely denying people a tool that can be to their advantage.

    Kinsella doesn’t like rational debate. He doesn’t engage in it. He’s a dogmatist. He’s a moral intuitionist. He’s a justificationist. He’s insulting when he doesn’t get his way. He is terribly ignorant outside of libertine scripture. And honestly, he isn’t very intelligent. Even in the PFS community he’s just loud and has Hoppe’s ear but most of us thought he was a bit of a twit – and an annoying one. His position on IP is largely correct. If he constrained himself to those arguments he would be fine. But he’s just an antagonistic belligerent mirror image of Stefan Molyneux. I like Molyneux as a popular rationalist, even if as a student of philosophy he’s weak, and as an author of it he’s severely lacking. I’d like Stephan as well if he just said “Well, I don’t specialize in that, so I stick to IP and Argumentation.”.

    Honestly, if libertarian theory were anything worthwhile we’d have people at top universities spending time on it, rather than the fruitcake fringe.

    I’m trying to save it but you can’t. It’s a cult for losers, not a philosophy for change.


    Source date (UTC): 2015-01-31 07:48:00 UTC

  • THE NEO-REACTIONARIES Good argument because it’s on-message, and avoids the luna

    http://thelibertarianalliance.com/2015/01/24/the-neo-reactionaries/RE: THE NEO-REACTIONARIES

    Good argument because it’s on-message, and avoids the lunatic fringe.

    I tend to position Propertarianism as within the NRx movement, and I make use of the “Cathedral Complex” arguments. But my preference is not to criticize the reproductive strategies of other subcultures, but instead, to talk about why we failed to defend ourselves from pseudoscience and deception via rationalism wither it was from the cosmopolitans (Socialist, Neocon, and Libertine), the german rationalists, or the anglo neo-puritans.

    The secret of the west was that – by an accidental by-product of the cavalry tactics of our self-financed warriors – we discovered truth and how to tell the truth. This gave us testimony, jury, rule of law, which evolved into science and reason. But more importantly, when people speak the truth, and when the law can evolve means of suppressing new means of fraud and theft as fast as people file suits under common law, then economic velocity can operate at its maximum potential without institutional limitations that plague other cultures.

    So NRx produced an excellent and correct criticism (along with Kevin Macdonald). What it did not produce was an explanation of our uniqueness (truth-telling and the high-trust society), nor a solution to it (reconstruction of the common law, and the requirement for truth telling, by treating the informational commons as a shareholder asset open to defense under universal standing). This is what I have tried to supply the movement with.

    But to hold people so accountable requires a means of distinguishing truth-telling from deceit. We cannot know the complete truth – perfect non-tautological parsimony is forever invisible to us – but we can warranty that we have performed due diligence: that our statements are internally consistent, externally correspondent, operational possible, and moral: voluntary.

    But it turns out that we have been warranting our investigations for over two thousand years: we call the discipline of truth telling ‘science’. If we add to the discipline of science, the requirements that (a) like science all political arguments are operationally expressed, and (b) all statements are free of moral hazard – meaning transfers are productive, fully informed, voluntary, and produce only externalities meeting the same criteria – then we can at the very least punish the kind of lying that has been the source of all pseudoscientific and rationalist attacks on the west, and we can restore grammar, rhetoric, logic and morality to equal standing as the investigation of the physical sciences.

    We will not restore the past. The future of theory will look more like classical liberalism than socialism or anarchism. And those of us merging the NRx criticism, with Libertarian economic arguments, with classical liberal institutions, will provide it.

    Cheers.

    Curt Doolittle


    Source date (UTC): 2015-01-25 13:00:00 UTC

  • I Don’t Support Ron Paul Either

    (A Call To Classical Liberalism)

    [R]on Paul committed political suicide, in an act of profound moral cowardice, joining the Mises Institute in their decades of ideological suicide, by using the hardship of real people as an excuse to produce propaganda against the monopoly bureaucratic state – a fight in which the Ukrainians themselves are more the victim of than any other people.

    It was an act of unconscionable immorality, demonstrating the immorality of libertine free rider libertarianism – But moreover it violates the western aristocratic moral imperative that is the source of all liberty: that any who desire to be free of tyranny in pursuit of property rights, shall have our alliance, if we obtain their alliance in return. The west was constructed using this ethic.
    The low-trust, free riding, Rothbardian ethic of the Ghetto mandates that we walk away from all fights that are not directly initiated against us. But under this ethic, not only would the west never have arisen, but neither would have liberty, because liberty was the result of this system of ever-expanding alliances between families, tribes, city states, and nation-states: the reciprocal grant of sovereignty over life and property in exchange for reciprocal insurance in the defense of life liberty and property. This exchange is the origin of liberty and property rights, and all men sought this status, and the prosperity it gave them, by demonstrating their commitment in martial service to one another. This is the only source of rights that is existentially possible – every alternative justification is a mere verbal excuse to escape the high cost of constructing a condition of liberty by taking responsibility for using, and spending, your wealth of violence, to construct and preserve it.

    The war for liberty is not against the nation state – if anything we must re-nationalize liberalism to save the west – but instead, libertinism, like marxism, socialism, postmodernism and neo-conservatism, are a war intentionally produced by cosmopolitan separatists against western solidarity, for the purpose of preserving their dual-ethical social model, and its dependence upon free riding on the martial strength, martial expense, and martial risk, of others. There is no possibility for one to claim moral righteousness by free riding upon the costly defense of others, and no moral righteousness not coming to the martial aid of all those who seek to join the alliance of free men. It is merely free riding: theft. An act of fraud by which one seeks to obtain the expensive liberty at a discount. If this escapist strategy is followed to its end, it will leave a people homeless, diasporic, and dependent upon the kindness and charity of host people, nations, and civilizations. It has. It does.

    What differentiates the west from the west is not the six apps that Nial Ferguson compliments us for – they are effects, not causes. The source of those six apps, and the west’s ability to innovate faster than all other civilizations combined, despite our poverty, small numbers, and distance from the origin of the bronze age, is that we discovered the truth, we speak the truth, we trust because we speak the truth, we hold each other accountable for speaking the truth, and we exchange the promise of our ready and willing hand of violence in the defense of the life liberty and property of our allies. Western excellence is the result of the unique western reliance upon truth as the most expensive, and most disciplined commons ever constructed by man.

    Reality intervenes on all ideals, but the west, western ethics, western prosperity, and western liberty, evolved because more often then not, we preserved sovereignty with the reciprocal commitment for truth and violence, and we appeal to the jury of our peers as a test of both.

    So, leave Ron Paul, and his marxist-inspired allies. Return to classical liberalism and abandon the immoral ethics of the Ghetto. Unless you prefer to live in one. Because the ghetto is the result of those ethics libertines espouse.

    Curt Doolittle
    The Propertarian Institute
    Kiev Ukraine

    WEB SITE
    http://idontsupportronpaul.com/

    LOU ROCKWELL GETS OFFENDED
    http://www.lewrockwell.com/…/troika-seeks-to-purge-ron-paul/

    TARGET LIBERTY GETS OFFENDED
    http://www.targetliberty.com/…/sfl-faction-starts-website-t…

  • I Don’t Support Ron Paul Either

    (A Call To Classical Liberalism)

    [R]on Paul committed political suicide, in an act of profound moral cowardice, joining the Mises Institute in their decades of ideological suicide, by using the hardship of real people as an excuse to produce propaganda against the monopoly bureaucratic state – a fight in which the Ukrainians themselves are more the victim of than any other people.

    It was an act of unconscionable immorality, demonstrating the immorality of libertine free rider libertarianism – But moreover it violates the western aristocratic moral imperative that is the source of all liberty: that any who desire to be free of tyranny in pursuit of property rights, shall have our alliance, if we obtain their alliance in return. The west was constructed using this ethic.
    The low-trust, free riding, Rothbardian ethic of the Ghetto mandates that we walk away from all fights that are not directly initiated against us. But under this ethic, not only would the west never have arisen, but neither would have liberty, because liberty was the result of this system of ever-expanding alliances between families, tribes, city states, and nation-states: the reciprocal grant of sovereignty over life and property in exchange for reciprocal insurance in the defense of life liberty and property. This exchange is the origin of liberty and property rights, and all men sought this status, and the prosperity it gave them, by demonstrating their commitment in martial service to one another. This is the only source of rights that is existentially possible – every alternative justification is a mere verbal excuse to escape the high cost of constructing a condition of liberty by taking responsibility for using, and spending, your wealth of violence, to construct and preserve it.

    The war for liberty is not against the nation state – if anything we must re-nationalize liberalism to save the west – but instead, libertinism, like marxism, socialism, postmodernism and neo-conservatism, are a war intentionally produced by cosmopolitan separatists against western solidarity, for the purpose of preserving their dual-ethical social model, and its dependence upon free riding on the martial strength, martial expense, and martial risk, of others. There is no possibility for one to claim moral righteousness by free riding upon the costly defense of others, and no moral righteousness not coming to the martial aid of all those who seek to join the alliance of free men. It is merely free riding: theft. An act of fraud by which one seeks to obtain the expensive liberty at a discount. If this escapist strategy is followed to its end, it will leave a people homeless, diasporic, and dependent upon the kindness and charity of host people, nations, and civilizations. It has. It does.

    What differentiates the west from the west is not the six apps that Nial Ferguson compliments us for – they are effects, not causes. The source of those six apps, and the west’s ability to innovate faster than all other civilizations combined, despite our poverty, small numbers, and distance from the origin of the bronze age, is that we discovered the truth, we speak the truth, we trust because we speak the truth, we hold each other accountable for speaking the truth, and we exchange the promise of our ready and willing hand of violence in the defense of the life liberty and property of our allies. Western excellence is the result of the unique western reliance upon truth as the most expensive, and most disciplined commons ever constructed by man.

    Reality intervenes on all ideals, but the west, western ethics, western prosperity, and western liberty, evolved because more often then not, we preserved sovereignty with the reciprocal commitment for truth and violence, and we appeal to the jury of our peers as a test of both.

    So, leave Ron Paul, and his marxist-inspired allies. Return to classical liberalism and abandon the immoral ethics of the Ghetto. Unless you prefer to live in one. Because the ghetto is the result of those ethics libertines espouse.

    Curt Doolittle
    The Propertarian Institute
    Kiev Ukraine

    WEB SITE
    http://idontsupportronpaul.com/

    LOU ROCKWELL GETS OFFENDED
    http://www.lewrockwell.com/…/troika-seeks-to-purge-ron-paul/

    TARGET LIBERTY GETS OFFENDED
    http://www.targetliberty.com/…/sfl-faction-starts-website-t…

  • DON’T SUPPORT RON PAUL EITHER Ron Paul committed political suicide, in an act of

    http://idontsupportronpaul.com/I DON’T SUPPORT RON PAUL EITHER

    Ron Paul committed political suicide, in an act of profound moral cowardice, joining the Mises Institute in their decades of ideological suicide, by using the hardship of real people as an excuse to produce propaganda against the monopoly bureaucratic state – a fight which the Ukrainians themselves are more the victim of than any other.

    It was an act of unconscionable immorality, demonstrating the immorality of libertine free rider libertarianism – But moreover it violates the western aristocratic moral imperative that is the source of all liberty: that any who desire to be free of tyranny in pursuit of property rights, shall have our alliance, if we obtain their alliance in return. The west was constructed using this ethic.

    The low-trust, free riding, Rothbardian ethic of the Ghetto mandates that we walk away from all fights that are not directly initiated against us. But under this ethic, not only would the west never have arisen, but neither would have liberty, because liberty was the result of this system of ever-expanding alliances between families, tribes, city states, and nation-states: the reciprocal grant of sovereignty over life and property in exchange for reciprocal insurance in the defense of life liberty and property. This exchange is the origin of liberty and property rights, and all men sought this status, and the prosperity it gave them, by demonstrating their commitment in martial service to one another. This is the only source of rights that is existentially possible – every alternative justification is a mere verbal excuse to escape the high cost of constructing a condition of liberty by taking responsibility for using, and spending, your wealth of violence, to construct and preserve it.

    The war for liberty is not against the nation state – if anything we must re-nationalize liberalism to save the west – but instead, libertinism, like marxism, socialism, postmodernism and neo-conservatism, are a war intentionally produced by cosmopolitan separatists against western solidarity, for the purpose of preserving their dual-ethical social model, and its dependence upon free riding on the martial strength, martial expense, and martial risk, of others. There is no possibility for one to claim moral righteousness by free riding upon the costly defense of others, and no moral righteousness not coming to the martial aid of all those who seek to join the alliance of free men. It is merely free riding: theft. An act of fraud by which one seeks to obtain the expensive liberty at a discount. If this escapist strategy is followed to its end, it will leave a people homeless, diasporic, and dependent upon the kindness and charity of host people, nations, and civilizations. It has. It does.

    What differentiates the west from the west is not the six apps that Nial Ferguson compliments us for – they are effects, not causes. The source of those six apps, and the west’s ability to innovate faster than all other civilizations combined, despite our poverty, small numbers, and distance from the origin of the bronze age, is that we discovered the truth, we speak the truth, we trust because we speak the truth, we hold each other accountable for speaking the truth, and we exchange the promise of our ready and willing hand of violence in the defense of the life liberty and property of our allies. Western excellence is the result of the unique western reliance upon truth as the most expensive, and most disciplined commons ever constructed by man.

    Reality intervenes on all ideals, but the west, western ethics, western prosperity, and western liberty, evolved because more often then not, we preserved sovereignty with the reciprocal commitment for truth and violence, and we appeal to the jury of our peers as a test of both.

    So, leave Ron Paul, and his marxist-inspired allies. Return to classical liberalism and abandon the immoral ethics of the Ghetto. Unless you prefer to live in one. Because the ghetto is the result of those ethics libertines espouse.

    Curt Doolittle

    The Propertarian Institute

    Kiev Ukraine

    WEB SITE

    http://idontsupportronpaul.com/

    LOU ROCKWELL GETS OFFENDED

    http://www.lewrockwell.com/2015/01/robert-wenzel/troika-seeks-to-purge-ron-paul/

    TARGET LIBERTY GETS OFFENDED

    http://www.targetliberty.com/2015/01/sfl-faction-starts-website-to-oppose.html


    Source date (UTC): 2015-01-15 16:42:00 UTC

  • Stieglitz is up to his usual tricks again. Immoral men. Promoting immoral econom

    Stieglitz is up to his usual tricks again. Immoral men. Promoting immoral economics. Correctly stating that the euro needs to end, or that the euro must support transfers as does America.

    But America is coming apart over theses transfers.

    I have merged morality, philosophy, law and science.

    I have corrected Austrian economics.

    But to displace immoral economics with moral economics is a job that will require imposition of prohibitions on immoral and unethical law and policy.

    It matters far less what people speak if we can punish actions.


    Source date (UTC): 2015-01-11 12:29:00 UTC

  • YES, REFORMING AUSTRIAN ECONOMICS IS NECESSARY —“Calling Mises pseudoscientifi

    YES, REFORMING AUSTRIAN ECONOMICS IS NECESSARY

    —“Calling Mises pseudoscientific is the typical positivistic criticism to Austrian Economics. It adds nothing. The young Austrian economists who are pupils of Don Lavoie had been working on Popper, Lakatos, Machlup and Hayek for a long time.”—Gabriel Zanotti, Philosophy Professor at Austral University

    Gabriel

    Let me see if I can summarize the argument and put an end to rationalist obfuscation of economics:

    1) Calling science positivistic (justificationary) is a typical Rothbardian/Misesian misrepresentation of the scientific method, which is critical not justificationary.

    2) Calling a logic (axiomatic, prescriptive, complete) a science (theoretical, descriptive, incomplete) is simply false. (And adds nothing, other than casting Austrian economics as a source of ridicule). Models can be built out of axioms or laws, but all axiomatic deductions are tautologies, producing proofs of operational possibility, while all laws remain incomplete and therefore non-tautological, producing additional hypotheses, which are candidates for theories and laws. But all theoretical statements remain theoretical. The reason being that all non-tautological premises remain forever theoretical.

    3) The ‘axiom’ of purposeful human action tells us precisely nothing since it may constitute a test, but not an axiom since it tells us nothing of the scope of possible purposeful human action. We can instead say that any economic hypothesis, theory, or law, must be reducible to a sequence of rational human actions, (operations) in order to be existentially possible.

    4) This difference is why we rely upon ratio-empiricism, not rationalism, and not positivism for scientific (truthful) investigation. Logical arguments test internal consistency but not external correspndence, and external correspondence does not tell us about the internal consistency of our arguments, and without operational-intuitionistic testing (operational definitions) we cannot know if what we imagine is existentially possible. And without falsification, assuming we are both internally consistent, externally correspondent, and existentially possible, we have not tested our internal, external, and operational theory for parsimony – leaving open the possibility of error, bias and deception in all three.

    5) The differences between mainstream (orthodox) economics, and Austrian (heterodox) economics, are (a)that manipulation of credit is disinformation (lying) which produces cumulative effects of disinformation (lying), and (b) that as an act of disinformation (fraud), manipulation of credit produces involuntary transfers (immorality), because it lacks fully informed, productive, warrantied, voluntary exchange, free of externality (moral constraint).

    6) Rationalists tend to be, and by definition, must be, justificationists – they are not critical. Justification in rationalism, is indifferent from positivism in science. They are identical propositions. No matter how much justification we do, we are merely engaging in confirmation bias. Instead, it is irrelevant which method we use to construct a theory. The means of constructing a theory are irrelevant. Justification is irrelevant. Truth candidates (internally consistent, externally correspondent, operationally possible, and ultimately parsimonious, yet incomplete statements) are produced by criticism: whether they survive scrutiny: testing.

    7) One *CAN* however, work through purely rational, non-positivistic processes, however, this is not to to say they are not working empirically (through observation). As far as I know this is impossible. But that does not mean they are not working ratio-empirically. It merely means that they are engaging in tests of internal consistency given current knowledge, and working using operational possibility (existential possibility), but that they are not criticizing their work through tests of external correspondence – although as far as we know, no one makes theories without tests of external correspondence, because that would mean we were not explaining economic phenomenon – which would be somewhat fruitless.

    8) This ‘Austrian’ (heterodox) investigation remains ratio-empirical, and consistent with all other scientific investigation. However, so does mainstream economics (orthodoxy). And the ONLY DIFFERENCE between mainstream and Austrian economics then, is that the mainstream seeks to lie to us, and Austrians seek to speak the truth. So the difference is not methodological – it is whether we attempt to find improvements to institutions of cooperation that retain the western principle of truth telling, or we engage in lying. Keynesian economics is dishonest, not necessarily unscientific. Austrian economics suggests only that economics must be practiced scientifically (ratio-empirically), not axiomatically or statistically: that sequences of operational possibility actions, informed by incentives, each of which is subjectively testable, is necessary to make a truth statement, while statistical correlation ignores these choices. Ergo, economics is indifferent from all other sciences: ratio-empirical discipline. The question is only whether we seek to tell the truth (Austrian) or to lie (Keynesian).

    9) And it is equally dishonest and pseudoscientific to state that an axiomatic system is identical to a theoretical system, and equally dishonest to cast mainstream economics as methodologically flawed. Particularly when Austrians have contributed nothing to the study of economics in nearly a century, while in the past twenty years alone, the orthodox community has expanded our knowledge of general rules and insight into our existing economies with regularity.

    10) The Cosmopolitan thinkers, like the german rationalists, are exceptional at this kind of deceptive conflation. A few of us think that it is a natural consequence of talumudic authoritarian dual ethics in the jewish community, and kantian authoritarian conflation of truth and duty in german philosophy. However, Mises and ROthbard and to some lesser degree Hoppe, have all tried to assert fallacies that cast the difference as possible, logical and methodological rather than as moral. Meanwhile the social democrats continue to justify the morality of takings (involuntary transfers) rather than treating every ‘taking’ as a lost opportunity for productive voluntary exchange – and therefore returning us to manorial era constraints upon the behavior of the unproductive classes that contributed to the rise of the west.

    CLOSING

    I hope this helped you understand my position. In my view I am attempting to restore Morality and truth telling to economics. But that will not be done using fallacious arguments in the rationalist tradition. It will be by demonstrating that moral action using institutions that do not engage in lying, produce superior economic conditions: greater prosperity without the fragility caused by decade after decade of institutional lying.

    Curt Doolittle

    The Propertarian Institute

    L’viv Ukraine


    Source date (UTC): 2015-01-08 13:25:00 UTC

  • BUT SINCE YOU GAVE ME AN EXCUSE TO RIDICULE ARGUMENTATION ETHICS I HAVE TO SEIZE

    BUT SINCE YOU GAVE ME AN EXCUSE TO RIDICULE ARGUMENTATION ETHICS I HAVE TO SEIZE IT.

    Argumentation ethics relies on the weapon of contradiction. This mighty weapon works precisely nowhere except in a court where property is based upon high trust moral constraint that is itself impossible under rothbardian ethics. (That is a lovely contradiction.)

    Argumentation ethics are nonsense. Property rights exist as a property of contractual relations. In the absence of contractual relations, violence is our greatest competitive asset. Libertarians (Libertines) attempt to escape the high cost of using violence. They do this for a variety of reasons. FOr self congratualtory imaginary status. To escape their powerless inferiority. To avoid the cost of policing using violence. To avoid the risk of applying violence. In other words, libertines conduct a fraud – free riding by fraud.

    Certainly progressives don’t care about argumentation. Certainly conservatives advance and use violence. But just like libertines, progressives attempt to free ride. TO gain status over their superiors who make their privileges possible by the organized use of violence.

    Under Propertarian ethics and Aristocratic Egalitarianism, the use of violence to actively suppress, institute property rights throughout the scale, and demand truth-speaking, is a defensive, moral and wise, activity.

    And right now, WE NEED TO START USING ORGANIZED VIOLENCE TO SAVE OUR PEOPLE


    Source date (UTC): 2015-01-07 08:27:00 UTC