Form: Critique

  • Paining John Quiggin Over His Pseudoscientific Definition of Economics.

    [I ]am singling out John Quiggin here. And singling him out, perhaps unfairly, because like anyone else, he is an econometrician flirting with philosophy that is far over his head – a mistake we all make in assuming skills are portable. But we all need examples, and this is an excellent example of someone attempting to justify a cultural bias (a privilege) as if it is a good (a truth). In other words, it’s unscientific.This post is actually quite profound if you want to understand the problem faced by mainstream economics – our prevailing pseudoscience, in matters of policy. You can find John’s original posts here, and here. He ostensively wants to update Economics in One Lesson so that instead of asking the individual to analyze all trajectories from actions, he instead defines economics as justification for Rawlsian ethics and Pareto redistribution using Keynesian (marxist) aggregations (false equalities). Curt —– John (Quiggin), This might come across as offensive, but we all have jobs to do in defense and preservation of the informational commons, and this is mine. 1) Fascism was a ‘good’. Fascism was a necessary means of combating communism. Persisting in the denigration of authors who supported it is merely conflating a utility in time of stress with a truth of social science. Fascism was a good. By any measure. 2) Hayek’s Journey Hayek completed his journey by correctly identifying the common law as the source of liberty, which is how he perceived western exceptionalism. Most of his work an be seen as a series of investigations in various fields into solving the problem of the social sciences. It took him most of his life but he got there. Prior works can only be seen in this light. Most of his work is partly correct. His movement across fields is evidence that he ran into dead ends in all of them. 3) Social Democracy The jury is out on social democracy, and at present, despite the rather obvious self interest of the state and academy, those of us who work the subject are fairly certain that democracy is little more than a temporary luxury for the redistribution of a civilizations windfall, rather than a system that constructs liberty and prosperity. 4) Everyone Failed – Not Just Mises Mises failed to solve the problem of economics because he failed, like everyone else in his generation, to solve the problem of operationalism. (Mises:economics, Brouwer:math, Hayek:Law, Bridgman:physics. And countless others in philosophy.) Everyone failed. They failed, and Hayek’s prediction that the 20th century would be seen in retrospect as an era of mysticism appears to be true. He didn’t get it quite right, because pseudoscience and mysticism perform the same obscurantist functions differently. But it is becoming clear that the 20th century (macro included) will be seen as an era of pseudoscience, and most of us will be cast as fools because of it. Hayek is not to be disrespected for having failed if so many thinkers failed in every other field of human inquiry. I made this mistake myself by crucifying Mises for a time. They were men of their time. They could sense something was wrong, but they were not able to solve it. Strangely enough, Brouwer and Bridgman do so, but not thoroughly enough to grasp that the problem was material in morality, epistemology, law, economics, and politics. Helpful in physical science. and only tepidly meaningful in mathematics. Its both telling and interesting that psychology – a pseudoscientific field totally absent any empirical content – saved itself by adopting Operationalism – and in doing so produced all the innovative content that it has in just twenty years – nearly overturning the century of pseudoscience. Economics requires this reformation as well. Mises could sense but not construct it. In simple terms Keynesian macro is the the study of how much we can ‘lie’ in order to achieve a suspected good by increasing consumption despite the negative externalities for mankind by doing so. So objectively, mainstream macro is very much the study of immoral politics The operational view, and the moral study of economics (Austrian) is predicated on attempting to improve voluntary transfers so that all lying is eliminated from human cooperation. They were great minds working desperately hard against an existential threat to man. But they failed. That does not mean we have to. Neither does it mean that we should consider luxuries not of our own construction, as measures of our merit. They are not. If anything we merely consume twenty thousand years of western development in a century. 5) Economics is the study of human cooperation. Otherwise it is a deceit. So, economics is the study of human cooperation. We can perform that study toward immoral ends (dysgenia, consumption, and lying), or we can perform that study toward moral ends (eugenia, accumulation, and truth). There is only one ‘law’ of human cooperation: that is that the only moral criteria that one can imposed costs upon another, is by productive, fully informed, warrantied, voluntary exchange, free of negative externality. Under no other condition is cooperation rational. That single statement explains all moral biases. The purpose of economics is to complete the sequence of training the human mind to understand cause and effect at different levels of complexity. Perception(existence), counting(scale), arithmetic, mathematics(ratio), geometry(space), calculus(relative motion), economics(equilibria), relativity(frames).Only with this understanding can man understand and apply this general rule to human affairs such that we can calculate all worlds determined by an action, and choose between them. But only once we have determined the full circuit of consequences in each. Only with this understanding can man apply this general rule to human affairs so that we can use monetary prices to sense and compare complex phenomenon at a given point in time. Only with this understanding can we make policy decisions that allow us to justify takings and givings as producing a common good. But only if we include all costs: Genetic, Territorial, Institutional, Normative, Pedagogical (Knowledge), Material, can we say we have accounted for all costs. Otherwise, we are just engaged in an obscurant means of justifying our preferences. 5) John Quiggin:  Austrailian Justification by Selection of Costs You (John) have an extremely Australian view of the world, and your definition of economics and your interpretation of what ‘economics is reducible to’ is a justification of that Australian view. That Australian view is, like that of the English, Canadian and Americans: a North Sea islander’s view: one who is insulated by the seas from the pressures common to territorial peoples. If your tradition and genetics originated in the steppe or the levant you would hold very different views. So it appears (obvious) that your perception is a cognitive bias that you are seeking to justify, not a scientific truth that describes necessary properties of human cooperation. It is terribly apparent to me (as I would assume it was to any intellectual historian) that you are confusing a luxury of circumstance with a ‘good’ that one should aspire to. So as far as I can tell your selected definition is one that justifies your conclusion. It’s creative accounting so to speak by selective ‘ben franklin’ accounting of costs and benefits. By carefully defining a preconception as a good, we can justify anything. And that is what your two laws do. 6) The Alternative Argument The alternative argument I would like to put forward. “Every forced transfer, is a lost opportunity for mutually beneficial exchange.” We do need a means of constructing commons. Physical and institutional commons are a unique western competitive advantage, second only to our most valuable commons: truth-telling. But why is it that commons must be constructed monopolistically? Why is not government constructed to facilitate exchanges, rather commands? There isn’t an answer justifies that question that does not violate the only law of human cooperation: that cooperation must be rational. Curt Doolittle The Propertarian Institute Kiev, Ukraine

  • Paining John Quiggin Over His Pseudoscientific Definition of Economics.

    [I ]am singling out John Quiggin here. And singling him out, perhaps unfairly, because like anyone else, he is an econometrician flirting with philosophy that is far over his head – a mistake we all make in assuming skills are portable. But we all need examples, and this is an excellent example of someone attempting to justify a cultural bias (a privilege) as if it is a good (a truth). In other words, it’s unscientific.This post is actually quite profound if you want to understand the problem faced by mainstream economics – our prevailing pseudoscience, in matters of policy. You can find John’s original posts here, and here. He ostensively wants to update Economics in One Lesson so that instead of asking the individual to analyze all trajectories from actions, he instead defines economics as justification for Rawlsian ethics and Pareto redistribution using Keynesian (marxist) aggregations (false equalities). Curt —– John (Quiggin), This might come across as offensive, but we all have jobs to do in defense and preservation of the informational commons, and this is mine. 1) Fascism was a ‘good’. Fascism was a necessary means of combating communism. Persisting in the denigration of authors who supported it is merely conflating a utility in time of stress with a truth of social science. Fascism was a good. By any measure. 2) Hayek’s Journey Hayek completed his journey by correctly identifying the common law as the source of liberty, which is how he perceived western exceptionalism. Most of his work an be seen as a series of investigations in various fields into solving the problem of the social sciences. It took him most of his life but he got there. Prior works can only be seen in this light. Most of his work is partly correct. His movement across fields is evidence that he ran into dead ends in all of them. 3) Social Democracy The jury is out on social democracy, and at present, despite the rather obvious self interest of the state and academy, those of us who work the subject are fairly certain that democracy is little more than a temporary luxury for the redistribution of a civilizations windfall, rather than a system that constructs liberty and prosperity. 4) Everyone Failed – Not Just Mises Mises failed to solve the problem of economics because he failed, like everyone else in his generation, to solve the problem of operationalism. (Mises:economics, Brouwer:math, Hayek:Law, Bridgman:physics. And countless others in philosophy.) Everyone failed. They failed, and Hayek’s prediction that the 20th century would be seen in retrospect as an era of mysticism appears to be true. He didn’t get it quite right, because pseudoscience and mysticism perform the same obscurantist functions differently. But it is becoming clear that the 20th century (macro included) will be seen as an era of pseudoscience, and most of us will be cast as fools because of it. Hayek is not to be disrespected for having failed if so many thinkers failed in every other field of human inquiry. I made this mistake myself by crucifying Mises for a time. They were men of their time. They could sense something was wrong, but they were not able to solve it. Strangely enough, Brouwer and Bridgman do so, but not thoroughly enough to grasp that the problem was material in morality, epistemology, law, economics, and politics. Helpful in physical science. and only tepidly meaningful in mathematics. Its both telling and interesting that psychology – a pseudoscientific field totally absent any empirical content – saved itself by adopting Operationalism – and in doing so produced all the innovative content that it has in just twenty years – nearly overturning the century of pseudoscience. Economics requires this reformation as well. Mises could sense but not construct it. In simple terms Keynesian macro is the the study of how much we can ‘lie’ in order to achieve a suspected good by increasing consumption despite the negative externalities for mankind by doing so. So objectively, mainstream macro is very much the study of immoral politics The operational view, and the moral study of economics (Austrian) is predicated on attempting to improve voluntary transfers so that all lying is eliminated from human cooperation. They were great minds working desperately hard against an existential threat to man. But they failed. That does not mean we have to. Neither does it mean that we should consider luxuries not of our own construction, as measures of our merit. They are not. If anything we merely consume twenty thousand years of western development in a century. 5) Economics is the study of human cooperation. Otherwise it is a deceit. So, economics is the study of human cooperation. We can perform that study toward immoral ends (dysgenia, consumption, and lying), or we can perform that study toward moral ends (eugenia, accumulation, and truth). There is only one ‘law’ of human cooperation: that is that the only moral criteria that one can imposed costs upon another, is by productive, fully informed, warrantied, voluntary exchange, free of negative externality. Under no other condition is cooperation rational. That single statement explains all moral biases. The purpose of economics is to complete the sequence of training the human mind to understand cause and effect at different levels of complexity. Perception(existence), counting(scale), arithmetic, mathematics(ratio), geometry(space), calculus(relative motion), economics(equilibria), relativity(frames).Only with this understanding can man understand and apply this general rule to human affairs such that we can calculate all worlds determined by an action, and choose between them. But only once we have determined the full circuit of consequences in each. Only with this understanding can man apply this general rule to human affairs so that we can use monetary prices to sense and compare complex phenomenon at a given point in time. Only with this understanding can we make policy decisions that allow us to justify takings and givings as producing a common good. But only if we include all costs: Genetic, Territorial, Institutional, Normative, Pedagogical (Knowledge), Material, can we say we have accounted for all costs. Otherwise, we are just engaged in an obscurant means of justifying our preferences. 5) John Quiggin:  Austrailian Justification by Selection of Costs You (John) have an extremely Australian view of the world, and your definition of economics and your interpretation of what ‘economics is reducible to’ is a justification of that Australian view. That Australian view is, like that of the English, Canadian and Americans: a North Sea islander’s view: one who is insulated by the seas from the pressures common to territorial peoples. If your tradition and genetics originated in the steppe or the levant you would hold very different views. So it appears (obvious) that your perception is a cognitive bias that you are seeking to justify, not a scientific truth that describes necessary properties of human cooperation. It is terribly apparent to me (as I would assume it was to any intellectual historian) that you are confusing a luxury of circumstance with a ‘good’ that one should aspire to. So as far as I can tell your selected definition is one that justifies your conclusion. It’s creative accounting so to speak by selective ‘ben franklin’ accounting of costs and benefits. By carefully defining a preconception as a good, we can justify anything. And that is what your two laws do. 6) The Alternative Argument The alternative argument I would like to put forward. “Every forced transfer, is a lost opportunity for mutually beneficial exchange.” We do need a means of constructing commons. Physical and institutional commons are a unique western competitive advantage, second only to our most valuable commons: truth-telling. But why is it that commons must be constructed monopolistically? Why is not government constructed to facilitate exchanges, rather commands? There isn’t an answer justifies that question that does not violate the only law of human cooperation: that cooperation must be rational. Curt Doolittle The Propertarian Institute Kiev, Ukraine

  • JUSTIFICATION OF MAINSTREAM MACRO BY CREATIVE DEFINITION (I am on a roll today)

    http://crookedtimber.org/2015/05/18/the-political-is-personal/IMMORAL JUSTIFICATION OF MAINSTREAM MACRO BY CREATIVE DEFINITION

    (I am on a roll today)

    John,

    This might come across as offensive, but we all have jobs to do in defense and preservation of the informational commons, and this is mine.

    1) Fascism was a ‘good’. A necessary means of combating communism. Persisting in the denigration of authors who supported it is merely conflating a utility in time of stress with a truth of social science. Fascism was a good. By any measure.

    2) Hayek completed his journey by correctly identifying the common law as the source of liberty, which is how he perceived western exceptionalism. Most of his work an be seen as a series of investigations in various fields into solving the problem of the social sciences. It took him most of his life but he got there. Prior works can only be seen in this light. Most of his work is partly correct. His movement across fields is evidence that he ran into dead ends in all of them.

    3) The jury is out on social democracy, and at present, despite the rather obvious self interest of the state and academy, those of us who work the subject are fairly certain that democracy is little more than a temporary luxury for the redistribution of a civilizations windfall, rather than a system that constructs liberty and prosperity.

    4) Mises failed to solve the problem of economics because he failed, like everyone else in his generation, to solve the problem of operationalism. (Mises:economics, Brouwer:math, Hayek:Law, Bridgman:physics. And countless others in philosophy.) Everyone failed.

    They failed, and Hayek’s prediction that the 20th century would be seen in retrospect as an era of mysticism appears to be true. He didn’t get it quite right, because pseudoscience and mysticism perform the same obscurantist functions differently. But it is becoming clear that the 20th century (macro included) will be seen as an era of pseudoscience, and most of us will be cast as fools because of it.

    Hayek is not to be disrespected for having failed if so many thinkers failed in every other field of human inquiry. I made this mistake myself by crucifying Mises for a time. They were men of their time. They could sense something was wrong, but they were not able to solve it. Strangely enough, Brouwer and Bridgman do so, but not thoroughly enough to grasp that the problem was material in morality, epistemology, law, economics, and politics. Helpful in physical science. and only tepidly meaningful in mathematics. Its both telling and interesting that psychology – a pseudoscientific field totally absent any empirical content – saved itself by adopting Operationalism – and in doing so produced all the innovative content that it has in just twenty years – nearly overturning the century of pseudoscience.

    Economics requires this reformation as well. Mises could sense but not construct it. In simple terms Keynesian macro is the the study of how much we can ‘lie’ in order to achieve a suspected good by increasing consumption despite the negative externalities for mankind by doing so. So objectively, mainstream macro is very much the study of immoral politics The operational view, and the moral study of economics (Austrian) is predicated on attempting to improve voluntary transfers so that all lying is eliminated from human cooperation.

    They were great minds working desperately hard against an existential threat to man. But they failed. That does not mean we have to.

    Neither does it mean that we should consider luxuries not of our own construction, as measures of our merit. They are not. If anything we merely consume twenty thousand years of western development in a century.

    So, economics is the study of human cooperation. We can perform that study toward immoral ends (dysgenia, consumption, and lying), or we can perform that study toward moral ends (eugenia, accumulation, and truth).

    There is only one ‘law’ of human cooperation: that is that the only moral criteria that one can imposed costs upon another, is by productive, fully informed, warrantied, voluntary exchange, free of negative externality. Under no other condition is cooperation rational. That single statement explains all moral biases.

    The purpose of economics is to complete the sequence of training the human mind to understand cause and effect at different levels of complexity. Perception(existence), counting(scale), arithmetic, mathematics(ratio), geometry(space), calculus(relative motion), economics(equilibria), relativity(frames).

    Only with this understanding can man understand and apply this general rule to human affairs such that we can calculate all worlds determined by an action, and choose between them. But only once we have determined the full circuit of consequences in each.

    Only with this understanding can man apply this general rule to human affairs so that we can use monetary prices to sense and compare complex phenomenon at a given point in time.

    Only with this understanding can we make policy decisions that allow us to justify takings and givings as producing a common good.

    But only if we include all costs: Genetic, Territorial, Institutional, Normative, Pedagogical (Knowledge), Material, can we say we have accounted for all costs.

    Otherwise, we are just engaged in an obscurant means of justifying our preferences.

    5) You (John) have an extremely Australian view of the world, and your definition of economics and your interpretation of what ‘economics is reducible to’ is a justification of that Australian view. That Australian view is, like that of the English, Canadian and Americans: a North Sea islander’s view: one who is insulated by the seas from the pressures common to territorial peoples. If your tradition and genetics originated in the steppe or the levant you would hold very different views.

    So it appears (obvious) that your perception is a cognitive bias that you are seeking to justify, not a scientific truth that describes necessary properties of human cooperation. It is terribly apparent to me (as I would assume it was to any intellectual historian) that you are confusing a luxury of circumstance with a ‘good’ that one should aspire to.

    So as far as I can tell your selected definition is one that justifies your conclusion. It’s creative accounting so to speak by selective ‘ben franklin’ accounting of costs and benefits.

    By carefully defining a preconception as a good, we can justify anything.

    And that is what your two laws do.

    6) The alternative argument I would like to put forward. “Every forced transfer, is a lost opportunity for mutually beneficial exchange.”

    We do need a means of constructing commons. Physical and institutional commons are a unique western competitive advantage, second only to our most valuable commons: truth-telling. But why is it that commons must be constructed monopolistically? Why is not government constructed to facilitate exchanges, rather commands?

    There isn’t an answer justifies that question that does not violate the only law of human cooperation: that cooperation must be rational.

    Curt Doolittle

    The Propertarian Institute

    Kiev, Ukraine


    Source date (UTC): 2015-05-18 13:40:00 UTC

  • MEASURES ARE A PSEUDOSCIENTIFIC DISTRACTION The question is better served by how

    http://www.aei.org/publication/are-middle-class-americans-significantly-better-off-today-than-in-1980/INCOME MEASURES ARE A PSEUDOSCIENTIFIC DISTRACTION

    The question is better served by how we spend our time, what we consume, and what we worry about, than any measure of income. Income is a poor proxy for measuring inter-temporal changes in consumption, and is only a useful measure of temporal asymmetry.

    What is for example, the cost of not fearing the soviet union, the change in crime in Boston and new York?

    Conversely, what is the cost of increase in political friction due to immigration? What is the cost of the conflict over Obamacare? What is the cost of maintaining the post-war empire (probably neutral). What is the cost of outsourcing? What is the cost of failing to reform education?

    Income is the least important of these measures. And that is precisely why it’s the topic of conversation: because it is the least important but the most emotionally loaded topic. It is an elaborate pseudoscientific distraction for purely political purposes.


    Source date (UTC): 2015-05-14 06:00:00 UTC

  • ON THE MAINSTREAM’S ECONOMICS OF DECEPTION —MARKO— When you’re having a good

    http://noahpinionblog.blogspot.com/2015/05/department-of-huh-yourself-british.htmlCOMMISERATING ON THE MAINSTREAM’S ECONOMICS OF DECEPTION

    —MARKO—

    When you’re having a good time , sometimes you can chug away on a bottle of hard liquor for a surprisingly long time. Maybe even more than one bottle with even more good times. If you keep at it , however , eventually you’ll stop. You’ll either pass out , or puke , or die , or some combination thereof. There’s no external “shock” involved – this is all endogenous to your drinking “economy”.

    It’s the same with debt as with booze , and with debt , we call the resulting euphoria “increased aggregate demand” and/or “soaring asset prices”. Most consumers in the UK , and in the US , have long since puked or passed out on debt , and are not about to take on much more , and even if they’re willing , they’re often cut off by their elders (lenders).

    The lack of a housing recovery should be a pretty obvious clue , as you need housing debt to finance a housing recovery. The fact that large , luxury homes have been the only segment providing support to new home sales should be a clue about who is “constrained” and who is not.

    The relatively early and quite vigorous recovery in auto sales should also be a clue. Why did auto sales recover so well , compared to housing and other consumer spending ? Because we engineered subprime 2.0 in the auto lending business by exempting dealers from the new consumer lending regs , to the great consternation of Liz Warren. More debt equals more demand for autos , but since incomes haven’t gone up , it also means more eventual defaults from the debt drunks.

    The entire global demand regime has been built on rising leverage instead of on broadly rising incomes , and that regime has now exhausted itself. Uniquely , economists seem unable to grasp this most important , and obvious , fact.

    You guys are just weird.

    Marko

    —CURT—

    Marko:

    Love the ‘drunk’ analogy.

    That economists are unable to grasp this state of affairs is my position as well. Although some of it is institutional bias, the rest is methodological bias: Macro is a correlative method, as opposed to micro, which is a causal method. Keynesian econ studies how much we can ‘lie’ to encourage economic velocity, Austrian econ studies how we can improve our truthful cooperation with one another to encourage economic velocity. You don’t learn much about a correlative and descriptive model, unless you are able to express it as an operational sequence. And to some degree, while this operational description is unnecessary in the physical sciences because we do not know the first principles of the universe, is misapplied for convenient obfuscatory political reasons in to the social sciences where we *do* know the first principles of human decision making – we are each of us an exceptional instrument for testing the rationality of incentives.

    They aren’t weird. They’re incorrectly incentivized, and insufficiently chastised for what technically, is using untested (uncriticized) pseudoscience for the purpose of engaging in deceit, for the purpose of achieving full employment.

    Now, once we get that this is an elaborate system of ‘lying’ not seen since the invention of scriptural monotheism, it’s clear why the ‘cult’ cannot grasp reality.

    That isn’t to say most economists are bad people, any more than priests were and are, bad people. It’s that they bought the nonsense, found a place in the church of the academy, and practice its rituals: correlative non-causal justification of deceit for ostensibly moral ends.

    The truth is enough. Too bad that’s hard to grasp.

    http://noahpinionblog.blogspot.com/2015/05/department-of-huh-yourself-british.html?


    Source date (UTC): 2015-05-14 02:07:00 UTC

  • WALTER BLOCK’S NARRATIVE DEVICE I have been a frequent critic of Walter and the

    http://www.nola.com/education/index.ssf/2015/05/walter_block_lawsuit_times.htmlEXPLAINING WALTER BLOCK’S NARRATIVE DEVICE

    I have been a frequent critic of Walter and the Mises Institute that is his platform, despite knowing him personally for years, in no small part, because his technique for grabbing the audience’s attention is to use examples that are morally horrifying in order to illustrate economic, political, and moral principles.

    The purpose of his parable that is to illustrate the spectrum of involuntary association.

    He’s saying this: If you work voluntarily with other people to pick cotton for a living, that’s very different from picking cotton for someone else involuntarily. Lots of people in this world do horrible work. Lots of people have been, are, and forever will be poor. Likewise serving people in your business that you prefer not to, and that may be damaging to your business, is also undesirable. Just as paying taxes for things you don’t support is undesirable. Using these three data points he paints a spectrum of undesirable forced associations.

    The Jewish tradition, and Jewish law, emphasizes separatism and individualism to preserve jewish group identity: ‘separate and apart’. The western aristocratic tradition emphasizes local universalism but preserves hierarchy. The western christian tradition emphasizes universalism and family. So Walter is, as are many jewish intellectuals, bringing his cultural traditions to the argument: he’s advocating in favor of separatism.

    Just as there is a long tradition on the left of using parables of suffering for the purpose of illustration, there is a long tradition on the right of using absurdity in parables for the purpose of illustrating the long term consequences of everyone adopting a behaviour. The reason progressives use suffering (short term, and personal experience) and conservatives use humor (long term, exaggerated effects), is because that is our evolutionary division of labor at work: progressives perceive the short term and experience of individuals regardless of consequences, and conservatives perceive the long term consequences regardless of experience.

    You will see the same thing from most popular conservatives, including Limbaugh – who specializes in this technique. For conservatives, two whom disgust is as influential a moral impulse as compassion is for progressives, these ‘horrific’ narratives are highly loaded with emotion: they are excellent pedagogical parables.

    We cannot really understand each other, unless we understand that the moral spectrum evolved as an inter-temporal (across time) division of perception, comprehension, knowledge, advocacy and labor. And that one of the reasons we humans can adapt to circumstances, is that we each have biased perceptions. Some of us advocate for the short term to ensure offspring survive, and some for the long term to ensure the tribe competes against others. Conservatives can understand progressives. Libertarians understand a little of progressives and conservatives, but progressives cannot comprehend conservatives.

    It’s only when we agree that we know we have made use of all available information. Because its voluntary exchange – expressed as the middle – that determines when we have made use of the entire moral spectrum, that concerns both the short (progressive nurturing), medium (libertarian production), and long term (conservative defense).

    That is why centrism in democratic politics is so important, and why the middle road is so prominent an idea throughout political and philosophical history in all cultures. Those cultures did not, however, as Walter is trying to communicate, figure out that it is voluntary exchange that allows us to ‘compute’ that middle, not the wisdom of one or more rulers.

    So his lesson is profound. And it is a lesson in the language; in the inter-temporal spectrum; of libertarians and conservatives who are his audience.

    Curt Doolittle

    The Propertarian Institute

    Kiev, Ukraine.


    Source date (UTC): 2015-05-13 02:18:00 UTC

  • WALTER BLOCK’S NARRATIVE DEVICE I have been a frequent critic of Walter and the

    http://www.nola.com/education/index.ssf/2015/05/walter_block_lawsuit_times.htmlEXPLAINING WALTER BLOCK’S NARRATIVE DEVICE

    I have been a frequent critic of Walter and the Mises Institute that is his platform, despite knowing him personally for years, in part because his technique for grabbing the audience’s attention is to use examples that are morally horrifying in order to illustrate economic, political, and moral principles.

    The purpose of his parable that is to illustrate the spectrum of involuntary association.

    He’s saying this: If you work voluntarily with other people to pick cotton for a living, that’s very different from picking cotton for someone else involuntarily. Lots of people in this world do horrible work. Lots of people have been, are, and forever will be poor. Likewise serving people in your business that you prefer not to, and that may be damaging to your business, is also undesirable. Just as paying taxes for things you don’t support is undesirable. Using these three data points he paints a spectrum of undesirable forced associations.

    The Jewish tradition, and Jewish law, emphasizes separatism and individualism to preserve jewish group identity: ‘separate and apart’. The western aristocratic tradition emphasizes local universalism but preserves hierarchy. The western christian tradition emphasizes universalism and family, and hierarchy. So Walter is, as are many jewish intellectuals, bringing his cultural traditions to the argument: he’s advocating in favor of separatism.

    Just as there is a long tradition on the left of using parables of suffering for the purpose of illustration, there is a long tradition on the right of using absurdity in parables for the purpose of illustrating long term consequences if everyone behaved as such. The reason progressives use suffering (short term, and personal experience) and conservatives use humor (long term, exaggerated effects), is because that is our evolutionary division of labor at work: progressives perceive the short term and experience of individuals regardless of consequences, and conservatives perceive the long term consequences regardless of experience.

    You will see the same thing from most popular conservatives, including Limbaugh – who specializes in this technique. For conservatives, two whom disgust is as influential a moral impulse as compassion is for progressives, these ‘horrific’ narratives are highly loaded with emotion: they are excellent pedagogical parables.

    We cannot really understand each other, unless we understand that the moral spectrum evolved as an inter-temporal (across time) division of perception, comprehension, knowledge, advocacy and labor. And that one of the reasons we humans can adapt to circumstances, is that we each have biased perceptions. Some of us advocate for the short term to ensure offspring survive, and some for the long term to ensure the tribe competes against others. Conservatives can understand progressives. Libertarians understand a little of progressives and conservatives, but progressives cannot comprehend conservatives. Progressivism is the most narrow moral code – a specialization of sorts.

    Because of this division of advocacy, it’s only when we agree that we know we have made use of all available information. Because its voluntary exchange – expressed as the middle – that determines when we have made use of the entire moral spectrum, that concerns both the short (progressive nurturing), medium (libertarian production), and long term (conservative defense).

    That is why centrism in democratic politics is so important, and why the middle road is so prominent an idea throughout political and philosophical history in all cultures. Those cultures did not, however, as Walter is trying to communicate, figure out that it is voluntary exchange that allows us to ‘compute’ that middle, not the wisdom of one or more rulers.

    So Walter’s lesson for his audience is profound. And it is a lesson delivered in the language; addressing the inter-temporal spectrum; in the moral interests – of the libertarians and conservatives who are his audience.

    Curt Doolittle

    The Propertarian Institute

    Kiev, Ukraine.

    http://www.nola.com/education/index.ssf/2015/05/walter_block_lawsuit_times.html


    Source date (UTC): 2015-05-13 02:14:00 UTC

  • IS LIBERTARIANISM SUCH A TARGET? (because its immoral) (re: tyler cowen) —It i

    http://marginalrevolution.com/marginalrevolution/2015/05/why-is-libertarianism-such-a-target.htmlWHY IS LIBERTARIANISM SUCH A TARGET?

    (because its immoral) (re: tyler cowen)

    —It is possible to be a common sense centrist and an intellectual. The highbrow reasons for why moderate common sense positions are correct are particularly interesting to anybody with a strong desire to understand how the world really works.— Steve Sailer

    I’ll echo Steve Sailer’s position a little more precisely. But, unfortunately, that requires a mildly impolitic presentation:

    (a) while libertarianism (an economic preference) informs the nation’s christian conservatism (a normative preference), libertarianism is not informed by the conservatism. That’s the reason that libertarianism fails to expand its influence in the electorate: libertarianism outside of the classical liberal model is objectively immoral. That’s right: objectively immoral. And I’ll answer why, below.

    (b) All three influential enlightenment movements sought to express group evolutionary strategies as universal strategies (i) the anglo empirical (Smith, Hume and eventually Darwin) – to create an aristocracy of everybody, (ii) the german obscurant rationalist ( Kant thru Heidegger) – to preserve hierarchy, and (iii) the jewish pseudoscientific: (Freud, Marx, Cantor, Mises, Rothbard) – to preserve authoritarianism and separatism. Unfortunately, all three of these movements have failed at developing a universal ethics with which to inform our politics.

    (c) Politics is a moral not empirical means of decision making (Jonathan Haidt). Voting for representatives is a form of abstract aggregation. In such cases of comparing abstractions, People can do nothing else but vote their ancestral (and possibly genetic) morality. (Emmanuel Todd, David Hackett Fischer). They vote their evolutionary strategy. Monopoly decision making (majority rule) exacerbates conflict between peoples of disparate interests. And classical liberal libertarians (anglo american, empirical libertarians) have failed to produce an institutional solution that allows cooperation on means (a market) for the production of commons despite our various heterogeneous and necessary ends.

    (d) Conservatives are unconsciously aware (and unable to articulate) (a) norms are the most expensive commons we create, and those high trust norms must be protected at all costs – they are our competitive advantage in this world, and the reason for our rapid ascent in both pre-history, ancient, and modern eras; (b) that policy must reflect the inter-temporal interests of families, while law must be constructed for individuals, because the family is the means of transmission of those norms for each class, and because disputes must be objectively decidable regardless of class.

    For some reason it doesn’t occur to libertarians that the competitive advantage of western civilization lies in our unique ability to construct civil commons relatively free of privatization, and that we can do so because of our high trust society, and that our high trust society is possible because of all the people on this earth we generally tell the truth. And that truth telling is the most expensive commons one can produce.

    People cannot vote for change that is not institutionally articulated. Asking people to ‘believe’ is for prophets and priests, not scientists. Justification is for rationalists. Scientists must construct operational definitions for us to test the truth of their propositions (that is the entire point of the Austrian method.) So until classical libertarians reform the current model, and provide an institutional solution that satisfies: the exclusion of the bottom from the benefits of production of the normative, institutional and physical commons (the left); the ability to dynamically restructure the patterns of sustainable specialization and trade, free of rents and frictions (libertarians); and the preservation of the high trust norms and the family that make the construction of our commons possible, by prohibiting their consumption and requiring universal production (the right); libertarianism will remain an immoral, selfish, utopian specialization, that advocates an obscurant form of free riding on both left and right’s the construction of the voluntary order of cooperation that we call capitalism.

    Because profiting from the contributions of others (the cost of respecting property in both normative, institutional, physical commons, and in private hands, is free riding. And free riding is immoral. Because all objective moral rules are a prohibitions on free riding. And because cooperation is irrational in the presence of free riding. Thats why evolution gave us moral intuitions – despite our different self serving emphases on one part of the moral spectrum or another.

    No corner of the political triangle is correct. Each simply senses some part of the reproductive division of labor: progressive=consumption, libertarian=production and conservative=saving: just as the market forms an information system, human moral differences constitute a division of perception, cognition, knowledge and labor; and voluntary, fully informed, warrantied, exchange free of negative externality is the only test of the aggregate validity of our perceptions.

    We (libertarians) aren’t right. But we’re the smart ones. And productivity is our specialization. So we must find an institutional solution for everyone – (consumptive, productive, and retentive) not one for just us as specialists. It’s not that others aren’t informed. It’s that we haven’t succeeded.

    ( That’s enough radicalism for one post. )

    Cheers


    Source date (UTC): 2015-05-12 05:56:00 UTC

  • IDEOLOGICAL SPECTRUM: ITS DETERMINISTIC SILLY. Agree with the questionable quali

    http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2593377CHINESE IDEOLOGICAL SPECTRUM: ITS DETERMINISTIC SILLY.

    Agree with the questionable quality of the survey’s numbers – but not with its deterministic results. The results are obvious. China has a problem similar to ours: the Han know that they must preserve order in their favor against hostile border peoples. The west has forgotten that Germany provided this function for us, and we bathed in safety because of it. And took it for granted. And we were wrong.

    As to “Which Comes First”:

    1) Higher Income reduces opportunity costs and risk (liberalism). Lower income increases opportunity cost and risk(conservatism).

    2) Economic velocity is produced by the centralization of rents, which lowers local (productive) transaction costs at the expense of high total cost (taxation).

    3) Once rents are centralized, we seek to obtain or privatize (redistribute) those rents (economic liberalism) through enfranchisement.

    4) In a perfect world we seek to eliminate those rents (anglo classical liberalism).

    5) But the diversity of ability leads to class warfare since meritocracy is valuable only to a minority, and rents, and parasitism are beneficial to the majority..

    6) In a perfect world we pay the less able, parasitic, and rent seeking minority directly for the maintenance of the meritocratic commons, and thereby circumvent the parasitism of the bureaucratic, and political classes. And perhaps more importantly, prevent the misallocation of capital.

    7) To accomplish this perfect world requires we develop institutions that allow us to produce commons, and pay people for producing those commons: meritocracy included.

    X-Axis: Equalitarian/Socialist-Compromise/Social Democracy – Meritocratic/Classical Liberal Monarchy.

    Y-Axis: Totalitarian- Democratic – Anarchic

    Z-Axis: Wealth (elimination of transaction costs by the suppression of free riding)

    Suppression of parasitism comes first. Centralize it to eliminate it locally. Then outlaw it, and eliminate it from the central bureaucracy. Economic velocity is determined by the suppression of free riding in all its forms at all levels in the polity.

    (Read Emmanuel Todd’s Invention of Europe. Ricardo Duchsene’s Uniqueness of the West, Hayek’s Constitution of Liberty, Hoppe’s Democracy the God that Failed, and follow my humble efforts.)

    Cheers


    Source date (UTC): 2015-05-10 07:15:00 UTC

  • TRADITIONALISTS. YOU WILL FAIL. BUT WE CAN STILL SUCCEED. Conservatism, has fail

    https://www.traditionalright.com/a-critical-evaluation-of-the-new-right/NO TRADITIONALISTS. YOU WILL FAIL. BUT WE CAN STILL SUCCEED.

    Conservatism, has failed because the enlightenment fallacy of an aristocracy of everyone could never come into being. Darwin put an end to it. We tried to turn our ancient aristocratic ethics into social science, but the european civil war exterminated Germany, where all our conservative aristocratic thought originated. Then the left created a pseudoscience to replace religion (Marx, Boaz, Freud, Cantor, Mises, Frankfurt School, Heidegger). And the neo-Puritains created pseudo-morality(victimism, feminism, progressivism, propaganda, relativism, and individualism).

    Since then, we have failed to convert our institutions, traditions, myths and rituals, into a rational and scientific set of arguments. Every single libertarian and conservative movement has failed. The only progress we have made is in producing our own propaganda systems (think tanks, radio-stations, network news, and web sites). And from these we still maintain power.

    I am working very hard to complete the neo-reactionary movement, and to convert our ancient traditions into a rational and scientific set of arguments.

    And I will tell you, with absolute certainty, that the reason for our western success – our rate of evolution compared to each competing civilization – is due to our discovery of testimonial truth, our near total requirement for truth telling, the jury, independent judiciary, common law, rule of law, and the heroic literature. And that the only value the church added, and still continues to add, is in breaking family and tribal bonds by prohibiting inbreeding (cousin marriage), and extending private property rights to women, and in threatening the aristocracy with revolution if they resist natural law (rule of law, property rights), and the invention of the university.

    And that aside from those four functions, the church has been a negative force for us. Because it is the destructive christian universalist sentiments that have been used by the neo-puritans (the christian left), and the socialists (the jewish left), via academy, school, state, and media, to sway us to suicidal self destruction using propaganda. (The west’s original religion is Stoicism – an action oriented equivalent of an inaction-oriented buddhism. and it is very close to what is practiced in secular Germany today.)

    The answer is not to restore myth and mysticism. They have conquered us with comforting lies to our less able. It is not up to us to learn to lie, or to restore lying by analogy as well. That is counter to the reason the west excelled compared to all other civilizations: truth telling.

    Our only chance for our western civilization to survive is to restore its original premise: heroism, truth telling, the jury, the common (organic) law, independent judiciary, universal standing, property rights, and to institute the physical, normative, and informational commons as property all are required to, and able to defend. Our origins are in Athens and Sparta, London and Koenigsberg, not Jerusalem and babylon.

    One need not ‘believe’ in law. One need only let law and truth telling do its work. One need not lie using mysticism. Truth, property and law are enough. One does not need foreign myths. Homer, Alexander, Aristotle, Aurelius, Smith, Hume, Jefferson, Hayek, and the thousands of other heroes in the western cannon are enough.

    Because, Truth is enough.

    If we only will use violence to demand it.

    Aristocracy uses organized violence to prohibit tyranny, not deceit and consensus.

    There is no more truthful action than violence.

    Curt Doolittle

    The Propertarian Institute

    Kiev Ukraine


    Source date (UTC): 2015-05-10 05:51:00 UTC