Form: Argument

  • The Central Argument To The Origin Of Morality: Cost vs Scarcity

    [S]carcity is a universal, unknowable, marginal indifference. It is praxeologicaly non-existent. I cannot know and act on it. Cost is particular, knowable, and decidable because of marginal differences. It is praxeologicaly existential. I can know and act on it.
    Scarcity is a necessary constraint between states, that need not reduce local transaction costs, but which must avoid conflict despite differences in in-group (local) rules.

    Morality is important between individuals, because they must reduce transaction costs sufficiently to engage in production in a division of knowledge and labor. Morality prohibits free riding, and is determined by costs that are knowable by the actors.
    Polities must form laws (rules) of cooperation, that mix the necessary rules of morality (prohibition on free riding), with the rules necessary for the production of commons, with the utilitarian allocation of privileges (norms) that assist in either parasitism or the organization of production or both.

    Rothbard, as a cosmopolitan, was trying to justify separatism. Not describe necessary properties of cooperation, nor the necessary properties of rule of law, under which a group of people can cooperate without allocation of discretion to individuals with authority.

    ( That basic argument should put the bullet in Hoppe’s Scarcity argument forever. Just like I have put the bullet in his Argumentation forever. Just like I have put a bullet in ghetto ethics forever. Just like I have put a bullet in the NAP(IVP) forever. Just as I suspect I may have put a bullet in ‘meaning’ forever. )


    Curt Doolittle
    The Propertarian Institute
    Kiev, Ukraine

  • THE CENTRAL ARGUMENT : COST NOT SCARCITY Scarcity is a universal, unknowable, ma

    THE CENTRAL ARGUMENT : COST NOT SCARCITY

    Scarcity is a universal, unknowable, marginal indifference. It is praxeologicaly non-existent. I cannot know and act on it. Cost is particular, knowable, and decidable because of marginal differences. It is praxeologicaly existential. I can know and act on it.

    Scarcity is a necessary constraint between states, that need not reduce local transaction costs, but which must avoid conflict despite differences in in-group (local) rules.

    Morality is important between individuals, because they must reduce transaction costs sufficiently to engage in production in a division of knowledge and labor. Morality prohibits free riding, and is determined by costs that are knowable by the actors.

    Polities must form laws (rules) of cooperation, that mix the necessary rules of morality (prohibition on free riding), with the rules necessary for the production of commons, with the utilitarian allocation of privileges (norms) that assist in either parasitism or the organization of production or both.

    Rothbard, as a cosmopolitan, was trying to justify separatism. Not describe necessary properties of cooperation, nor the necessary properties of rule of law, under which a group of people can cooperate without allocation of discretion to individuals with authority.

    ( That basic argument should put the bullet in Hoppe’s Scarcity forever. Just like I have put the bullet in Argumentation forever. Just like I have put a bullet in ghetto ethics forever. Just like I have put a bullet in the NAP(IVP) forever. Just as I suspect I may have put a bullet in ‘meaning’ forever. )

    Curt Doolittle

    The Propertarian Institute

    Kiev, Ukraine


    Source date (UTC): 2015-01-18 06:53:00 UTC

  • SCARCITY VS COST (worth repeating) Scarcity is a universal, unknowable, marginal

    SCARCITY VS COST

    (worth repeating)

    Scarcity is a universal, unknowable, marginal indifference. It is praxeologicaly non-existent. I cannot know and act on it. Cost is particular, knowable, and decidable because of marginal differences. It is praxeologicaly existential. I can know and act on it.

    Scarcity is important between states, that need not reduce local transaction costs, but which must avoid conflict despite differences in local rules.

    Morality is important between individuals, because they must reduce transaction costs sufficiently to engage in production in a division of knowledge and labor.

    Polities must form laws (rules) of cooperation, that mix the necessary rules of morality (prohibition on free riding), with the rules necessary for the production of commons, with the utilitarian allocation of privileges (norms) that assist in either parasitism or the organization of production or both.

    Rothbard, as a cosmopolitan, was trying to justify separatism. Not describe necessary properties of cooperation, nor the necessary properties of rule of law, under which a group of people can cooperate without allocation of discretion to individuals with authority.

    Not sure why this isn’t terribly obvious. But then I have been working on the problem a very long time.

    Curt Doolittle


    Source date (UTC): 2015-01-17 21:01:00 UTC

  • “CURT CAN YOU COMMENT ON THIS ISSUE, AND TIE IT TO THE INFORMATIONAL COMMONS?” (

    http://mic.com/articles/107926/one-tweet-perfectly-sums-up-the-big-problem-with-how-we-talk-about-terrorismQ: “CURT CAN YOU COMMENT ON THIS ISSUE, AND TIE IT TO THE INFORMATIONAL COMMONS?”

    (long)(important)

    The questioner also asked me to be brief. (I am not good at brevity, I am good at precision, lol) So I will try to make a list of bullet points in an effort to be brief..

    PART I – CONFLATION FOR THE PURPOSE OF DECEPTION

    1) Terrorism is truthfully (honestly) defined as an act of out-group members against in-group members). Rebellion is truthfully (honestly) an act of in-group members against in-group members. Conflating them is dishonest. Conflation is a postmodern rhetorical deception learned from Marxist critique.

    2) The reason that the Cathedral: Academy, media and state have adopted the deceptive strategy of conflating terrorism and rebellion is to attempt to legitimize through postmodern repetition the Cathedral Complex: legitimize the Academy, media and state. And to delegitimize rebellion by labeling it terrorism and thereby conflating it with out-group activity.

    3) Bombing the ATF, Crashing a plane into the IRS building, bombing the NAACP, are all acts of rebellion by internal members. The purpose of rebellion is to change policies by state members when institutional means fail. Rebellion is internal politics by other means.

    4) The various islamist bombings are not acts of rebellion, but they are acts of warfare, by the only military means possible. Terrorism is extremely inexpensive warfare by out-group members against in-group members. That is why small group and poor groups rely upon terrorism: it is inexpensive. States sponsor rebellion(internal violence) and terrorism(out group violence) as discounted means of warfare. States also you proxy wars (financing conflicts with third parties.) These are all forms of warfare: the use of violence to conduct politics by other means.

    5) The purpose of warfare, terrorism and rebellion is to change policy. All forms of political violence harms citizens, infrastructure and politicians. It is dishonest to state that terrorism is for the purpose of changing policy, when changing policy is the purpose of all warfare, whether it is inexpensive warfare (terrorism) or expensive (state sponsored, organized, mechanized warfare). The purpose of war, terrorism, and rebellion is to change policy.

    As Klausewitz said, “War is just politics by other means”.

    PART II – MEDIA

    6) Media is a product that evolved as a means to sell advertising. The purpose of news is to sell product. That product need only be as ‘true’ as it does not harm their ability to sell advertising by associating advertisers with news stories. To sell that news, so that they can sell advertising, they must get your attention. The psychology of attention is a well understood phenomenon. I will not cover it here except to say that the reader must feel righteous – confirmed in his beliefs. During monopoly period, television access was centralized, but during the current period we get our information from television channels that tailor to our moral biases, and we select internet news sources, and information from friends and associates

    7) The media is not warrantied product – we do not warranty it for truth the way that CPA’s must warrant their work for due diligence. Lawyers must warrant their work for due diligence. Witnesses in court must warrant their testimony for diligence. Companies must warrant their products and services for due diligence. Even scientists must warrant their publications for due diligence. But journalism, political speech of public intellectuals, and propaganda are in the category of the few products that is not warranted to be the subject of due diligence, nor are media required to pay restitution for the damages that they cause when they fail due diligence. In our past, we held people accountable for libel, slander and defamation, but allowed dissent as a means of limiting the bad behavior of the government.

    It is quite possible that ‘free speech’ rather than ‘truthful speech’ was a catastrophic mistake in legal history. Truthful speech that causes good, truthful speech that causes harm, and untruthful speech that deceives or causes harm are very different things. There is no reason why we cannot demand that public speech, particularly public speech that is sold as a product in the market, is not warrantied like all other products and services in the market are warrantied by due diligence, and that the manufacturers and distributors of that product are not liable for damages and restitution in the case that they sell defective product.

    8) Propaganda is intentionally defective product, delivered with intent to persuade by deception using rhetorical deceptions including: conflation, loading, framing, overloading, obscurantism, straw-men, and outright lying, for the purpose of obtaining power. The general argument has been that we are all smart enough to dismiss propaganda, but history says that this isn’t true. The various pseudoscientific movements, from marxist ‘scientific socialism’, to Freudian Psychology, to Keynesian economics, the Anthropology of Franz Boas, to the outright fabrications of the Frankfurt School, to the postmodern philosophers, to today’s political correctness, all make use of constant repetition of false statements consisting of various forms of fallacious argument: conflation, loading, framing, obscurantism, straw men, and marxist ‘Critique’ to stimulate our intuitions, and generate confirmation bias, via normative awareness, rather than rational persuasion by truthful means. In other words, its a very complex and innovative form of deception by suggestion, rather than persuasion by reason.

    Propaganda is not warrantied either. If it was, there wouldn’t be any of it. And there is a difference between placebo products,( light therapy,most vitamins) that make you feel better purely psychologically, and products that cause you harm, or justify theft. Most political propaganda seeks to encourage of justifies theft – why not? If you cannot compete in the market, then competing using deception in order to collect rents is often easier. In fact, if we study the evolution of businesses, the most effective strategy is to become large enough that you can seek various rents through limited monopolies. (I can’t link to research on this from my location but it’s available.)

    PART III – THE INFORMATIONAL COMMONS

    10) The Informational Commons”. We treat parks as a commons, we treat the earth, land, and air as a commons, we treat roads, sidewalks, public buildings, and radio spectrum as commons – and most of us treat our traditions myths and rituals as commons, as well as our manners, ethics and morals. We now treat healthcare as a commons. We treat many things as commons. Meaning that we consider ourselves shareholders in some asset that none of us permit one another to consume or destroy but many of us can use as long as we do it no harm, and therefore harm other shareholders.

    The common asset that we regulate most is the market for goods and services. Because we are more dependent upon the market for our health, wealth, and well being than we are upon any other infrastructure. And because it is very easy to lie cheat and steal in that market. We created standard weights and measures, law, contract, guarantee, interest, banking, money, finance, interest. We created minimum warranties. We require truth in labeling. (Although we lose that one all the time and many labels are still deceptive: MSG and various forms of sugar are in everything and both of them are probably equal to Orwell’s ‘Soma’.)

    Aren’t we as dependent upon the informational commons as we are upon the market, norms, roads, air, land and sea?

    So if we can require warranty of all other products in our commons, why can we not require warranty of information distributed in our commons? Why do we need regulators instead of the common law? If we are all shareholders in the commons, why can we not individually or in groups, take individuals, organizations, politicians, and the government bureaucracy to court for damage to that commons.

    The reason is that if truth was required, and if insurance was required, of all products services, and information distributed via the commons for the purpose of profiting my trade, or by political rents and privileges, then it would be very hard for the Cathedral Complex: Academy, Media, and State to sell falsehoods and propaganda.

    Why for example does the Academy not get paid as a percentage of your earnings, rather than selling you education that does not pay off? What would happen if that were the case? That the academy was paid 10% of your 30 year earnings? How would what they teach you change? What if you could sue a university for giving you a bad service?

    Why for example, aren’t public intellectuals required to warranty that their speech is truthful: internally consistent, externally correspondent, existentially possible, free from encouraging theft and fraud, and at least responsibly falsified?

    Why for example, aren’t politicians required to demonstrate strict construction in law, from the initial requirement for property rights and voluntary exchange? Why aren’t laws written as contracts, with expiration dates? Why can we make one law (contract) but the consequent government can break it, and use the money for whatever arbitrary purposes that they wish? Why is it that all money from all taxes is not raised to meet a fixed sum, for a fixed purposes, and finished at the completion of that time?

    Why is it legal for academy, media and state to lie, and pollute our informational commons?

    Isn’t it just legalized fraud?

    PART IV – SCIENCE IS THE LANGUAGE OF TRUTHFUL SPEECH, NOT A METHOD

    We can never know we speak the truth, we can only know that we speak truthfully. And we can only do that if we ourselves apply due diligence to our own thoughts and utterances.

    Scientists do this by what we call the scientific method. But that method is not a method at all. It is a warranty that they have been diligent in their testimony about their observations and theories.

    1) Internally consistent (that it is logical). This warranty requires tests of reason, logic and mathematics.

    2) Externally correspondent (that it corresponds to reality) This warranty requires that we demonstrate that the actions we take, or the measurements we make, or both, correspond to what we say they do.

    3) Operationally Defined (that what we say exists does, and is possible). In science this means that every step in a process is listed, and its measurements captured, so that we know whether real changes in reality are recorded or our imagination of reality is recorded. In economics, politics , accounting, and law, operational definitions require that each transaction (movement) is transparent, audit-able, and open to human perception).

    4) Objectively Moral (that each transfer is rational and voluntary). Under This is particular to law and to economics, where in law, something cannot be legal if it cannot be agreed to, and it cannot be ‘true’ economics if deception is required. This is the complaint about Keyensian ‘dishonest’ economics, both in Monetary/Credit policy, and in Fiscal (Spending) policy: that manipulation of prices of money and credit, constitute ‘lies’ used to motivate business, industry and consumer to spend, and that instead the purpose of economic policy should be to assist us in cooperating truthfully, and voluntarily. The ‘dishonest’ economists are unfortunately, the current mainstream economists, and the ‘honest’ economists are marginalized.

    5) Falsified (even if the above are all true, that we have tried to disprove our theory, our action, by testing if it is possibly erroneous by either of the previous four methods. This gets away from the problem of confirmation bias.

    Truthful speech requires that we testify to having performed due diligence by giving all five warranties on our speech. This is why science has been so productive. This is also why reason, rationalism, and philosophy have been so successfully employed in lying, deception, power accumulation, and theft: philosophers, academics public intellectuals, politicians, propagandists, and media personnel have learned not as the greeks asked us – to tell the truth. But how to lie. And they have become masters of it.

    CLOSING

    It is a very simple problem to fix really: information as a commons, universal standing, warranty of truthful speech, and restitution for damages.

    There is no reason we cannot cooperate truthfully in speech, just as we do in the market.


    Source date (UTC): 2015-01-10 12:37:00 UTC

  • QUESTION: “CURT: WHY ARE YOU REFUTING MISES, ROTHBARD and HOPPE IF YOU ADVOCATE

    QUESTION: “CURT: WHY ARE YOU REFUTING MISES, ROTHBARD and HOPPE IF YOU ADVOCATE AUSTRIAN ECONOMICS?”

    Because Austrian Economics if stated scientifically, rather than rationally, constrains economics to moral theories and policies, and correctly repositions economics as a moral discipline: the search for institutional improvements to voluntary exchange – in the same way that I have tried to reposition science as a moral discipline: the search to speak the truth; and philosophy as the construction of meaning from the truth that we discover with science – a discipline which expressly lacks meaning (and must).

    (Note: You might want to re-read that paragraph a few times – it’s very important.)

    This is a profound transformation of multi-disciplinary intellectual history into a single, unified theory of peer-cooperation in pursuit of prosperity. And it corrects the errors inserted into the Cosmopolitan (Jewish) branch of Austrian economics by Mises (pseudoscience), and Rothbard (ghetto immorality – the absence of truth-telling), and Hoppe (German Rationalism)

    This transformation of western thought into truth-telling for the purpose of moral cooperation (voluntary exchanges among warriors of universally equal rank), explains why the west innovates and prospers at higher rates than the rest of the world, whenever it is not bound by babylonian-levantine mysticism, barbaric deception, or Asian systemic truth-avoidance: we work constantly to eliminate transaction costs and seize opportunities at lowest cost (early).

    This approach to man’s intellectual struggle correctly positions truth-telling along with trust (transaction costs), property, voluntary exchange, and contract as the necessary institutions of prosperity creation: the high trust society.

    Anglos attempted to combine science and morality – trusting man in the absence of moral authority. But anglos, were an island people without borders to defend, an homogenous in-bred people, and a heavily commercialized people. They had fewer fears. Defectors from moral norms are not a problem for an in-bred island people. There is no group to defect to.

    Germans attempted to combine philosophy and morality – a less radical transformation of religious authoritarian morality. Germans were a landed people with borders under constant question, and who were intermixed with other groups on all sides, and were not as economically diverse as the anglos and as such not as bound to trade. So, “defectors” – those who no longer pay the high cost of the normative commons, were more of a concern.

    Jewish cosmopolitan authors, an un-landed diasporic and separatist people, attempted to preserve internal rule-authoritarianism, separatism, and the parasitic value of separatist dual-ethics. They viewed host civilizations as hostile, generated separatist hostility internally by intention as a means of group cohesion, and often practiced dualist ethics that guaranteed their moral separatism.

    So each of these groups were, as all groups must, attempting to react to the enlightenment using their group evolutionary strategies: island naval and commercial, landed martial and agrarian-commercial, and un-landed, diasporic commercial.

    It is sometimes hard for us to imagine that our use of “Truth” reflects our group’s evolutionary strategy, and that many of our judgements are unconscious. But all groups use truth differently.

    Truth is unknowable and therefore merely contractual in Jewish philosophy – it is a purely pragmatic vision. In German philosophy, truth is dangerous and must be inseparable from duty, which is why all german philosophy conflates truth and duty. In anglo philosophy, truth is divine and its consequences divine – knowing the mind of god. Our duty is truth regardless of consequences, because we believe all consequences are optimum. Neo-puritanism, in the anglo world, which is the dominant postmodern philosophy in government and academy, does not practice anglo truth, but has adopted german and jewish counter-enlightenment philosophy of the sociology of knowledge and truth: truth is what we desire it to be.

    This is systematically destroying our rule of law, which has been, in the past, the source of our empiricism. The source of our science. Not the other way round. Without scientific law, we cannot have a scientific society.

    Law is the most influential property of any society because it determines what one must do, not what one prefers. As such, an un-empirical laws, is an incalculable, un-decidable, and therefore subjective law.

    The solution is to restore truth telling. To increase the scope of property to include the normative and informational commons. To use law to restore truth-telling.

    All society will adapt rapidly to this change. No authority is necessary. No leadership is necessary. No belief is necessary. No agreement is necessary. No ideology is necessary.

    It is just true, insufficient to know, or not true, and that is enough.

    Curt Doolittle

    The Propertarian Institute

    L’viv Ukraine


    Source date (UTC): 2015-01-08 13:47:00 UTC

  • Turning Rationalism On Its Head

    (from elsewhere)

    [T]hanks Andrew:

    In regard to my statement:

    —“So no statement that is not open to sympathetic testing (falsification) by operational means (sympathetic testing) can be ‘true’, nor ‘scientific’ since ‘scientific’ refers to morally warrantable constraint upon one’s statements.”—

    You argue:

    –“It is important to consider if this statement itself is scientific or ‘true’ by its own terms. “–

    Well, this is a rationalist position, not a scientific position. So what is important to a person who justifies arguments to see if they are true (a rationalist), and a person who criticizes hypotheses to see if they are provide predictive results (a scientist) is considerably different.

    A frequent fallacy of philosophical argument is that there are two, not three arguments. They are 1) Rationalist, 2) Empiricist, and 3) Scientific. 1 and 2 are philosophical justifications. 3 is not. It merely seeks what works. Philosophers attempt quite often to cast as justificationary (under their control) that which does not seek justification, but only seeks to perform.

    A scientist seeks to testify that he has done due diligence, he does not seek to make true statements. After his due diligence, and after the community’s due diligence, that which survives remains hypothesis theory or law.

    Science is not philosophical, but like law, practical. By practical application law evolves, and by practical applicatoin, science evolves. We philosophers attempt to explain this, but we do not inform science. We inform others about the progress of science. (Which in itself is an interesting phenomenon.)

    Science then does not bear a burden of analytic truth. It bears only its evolved polycentric, normative, laws against error, bias, and deception in the presentation of theories. Those laws are often poorly articulated (outside of experimental psychology). We can analyze those laws and translate them into philosophical terms as a warranty (promise) that theories are:

    • i) internally consistent (logical)
    • ii) externally correspondent (correlative)
    • iii) empirical (observable)
    • iv) operational (existentially possible)
    • v) falsifiable
    • vi) reasonably falsified

    Now, a good critical rationalist would say that all those criteria are means of falsification (criticism), not justifications, as most rationalists would attempt to assert. However, I see this as again, non-performative (verbalist) rationalist language. And instead that these are our evolved conditions of intellectual warranty, that have survived the test of time by eliminating error, bias, and deception.

    (a) “is the statement falsifiable?”
    My statement is reducible to “only existentially possible human operations – whether mental or physical – can exist”. This is a metaphysical not epistemological assertion. So the proposition that we must falsify a metaphysical statement is inapplicable. Without this stipulation no further argument is possible on any grounds.

    Just for fun: If we could state that existentially impossible human actions can exist, then yes it is falsifiable. Just as if we state that existentially impossible mathematical operations can exist. While both of these things are hard to conceive of, that does not mean that they cannot be constructed, just as we did not imaging that length was a local rather than absolute concept. (Einstein/Brouwer). all premises are theoretical, even metaphysical premises.

    Can something demonstrably exist, and can such a thing be observable? Since (this is the point of empiricist arguments) we can both sympathize with one another (or we could not cooperate on intentions) and observe our own reaction to incentive-producing phenomenon, we can in fact, make internal observations, and we can collect external, empirical observations from others. (We do. All the time. In many disciplines. )

    Now it is possible that say, the quantum theory of subconscious communication is possible, but that would only state that we were not conscious, not that we reacted to incentives (information). And that we could not observe it, just as we cannot observe many of our intuitionistic functions of the mind. They are hidden from us.

    Next;
    (b) “Not being an empirical statement, it cannot itself be empirically tested.”

    Well, it being a metaphysical statement that is its definition.

    But that said, this is a good example of the rationalist fallacy. Given that empirical means observable, that I know of, we cannot make non-empirical statements. This is the debate between empiricism and rationalism. Measurements are empirical observations. Internal observations of our own sensations are empirical observations. The question is whether we insert error, bias, and deception into those observations. We are not trying to assert observations are true, we are trying to assert that observations are reasonably free of all possible error, bias, and deception.

    Moreover, isolating and constructing a demonstrative test is useful only in those circumstances where we seek to uncover first principles (reduce variables). Not in those cases where we seek to discover emergent phenomenon in fully informed (existential) reality, in real time (study variables). Economics requires the latter. In physics the former. In economics we can subjectively test incentives – that is why we can cooperate, and why apes don’t (well). It is why we can use juries in courts. But we cannot deduce from incentives all possible emergent economic phenomenon, which while based upon simple rules produces fractal results (emergent complexity we cannot anticipate). In physics by contrast we do not know the first principles – we cannot empathize or sympathize with the physical universe (yet).

    Another rationalist fallacy: it is MORE accurate to collect unintentionally constructed data and see if it fits your model, than it is to construct an experiment and intentionally construct data. This is one of the benefits of economic data over other tests: we collect demonstrated preferences (performatively-true testimonies). Whereas we have demonstrated that we cannot collect performatively-true testimonies in most cases because of error bias and deception.

    (c) “There is the question of science vs. orthodoxy.”
    Orthodoxy is a justificationist position not a scientific one.
    So, actually, the question is normative (as practiced), juridical(survives criticism), and metaphysical(existentially possible). Philosophy as practiced is largely justificationary for ancient reasons. Science is demonstrative and theoretical for equally ancient reasons – largely to avoid the politically normative, which is highly loaded with error, bias and deception.

    For this reason it behooves us to recognize that philosophy as practiced is a political activity, not a scientific one. That is why the most sophisticated deceptions in history have been constructed via rationalist means. First monotheism was developed argumentatively as an authoritarian vehicle. Next philosophical argument. Then pseudoscientific. Finally postmodern abandoned all truth and reason.

    So the problem is not that science, must meet philosophical standards, but that rationalists must prove that they do not practice world history’s most successful art of lying, bias, and error. Since most great deceptions were carried out by rationalist rather than scientific means. Not the least of which were the church’s integration of aristotelianism, Rousseau’s justification and responsibility for the horrors of the revolution, Kant’s authoritarianism and responsibility for making marxism possible, marx’s responsibility for the death of 100M, Keynesianism’s responsibility for western civilization’s suicide, freudian psychology’s century long survival and all the damage it has done to individuals, Cantorian sets and the platonization of math and physics, scientific socialism and the loss of eastern Europe, and the postmodern and feminist attacks on the family – the central unit of reproduction.

    So rationalists must warrant that they do no harm, scientists must not warrant, and do not warrant that they speak the truth. Only that they have done due diligence against doing harm to the informational commons via error bias and deception. Could we hold a court to convict both rationalists and scientists on the harm done by error, bias and deception, the prisons would be filled with rationalists and nearly empty of scientists.

    Because the harm done by rationalists, is only exceeded by the great plagues. In that sense rationalism (justificationism) is an intellectual plague that we are justified in exterminating. (Which is to some small degree part of my work.)

    (d) ” it is an interesting philosophy that states that philosophy is to be excluded from consideration.”
    This statement requires that we agree on the term ‘philosophy’. Since in my work, I argue i think persuasively, that there isn’t any difference if both philosophy and science are subject to the same criterion. If science, philosophy, morality and law are not identical in content then someone is engaged in error, deception, or bias.

    Instead, I state that rationalism (at least german and jewish rationalism) is a justificationary, authoritarian cult that has produced catastrophic harm to man on the same scale as scriptural monotheism, and only slightly less terrible than the great plagues.

    And that is simply the result of looking at the evidence.

    CLOSING

    Hopefully I put this conversation into perspective, not only correcting a number of common rationalist fallacies.
    It might be a bit to swallow, but that’s just how it is.

    Curt Doolittle
    The Propertarian Institute
    L’viv Ukraine.

  • Turning Rationalism On Its Head

    (from elsewhere)

    [T]hanks Andrew:

    In regard to my statement:

    —“So no statement that is not open to sympathetic testing (falsification) by operational means (sympathetic testing) can be ‘true’, nor ‘scientific’ since ‘scientific’ refers to morally warrantable constraint upon one’s statements.”—

    You argue:

    –“It is important to consider if this statement itself is scientific or ‘true’ by its own terms. “–

    Well, this is a rationalist position, not a scientific position. So what is important to a person who justifies arguments to see if they are true (a rationalist), and a person who criticizes hypotheses to see if they are provide predictive results (a scientist) is considerably different.

    A frequent fallacy of philosophical argument is that there are two, not three arguments. They are 1) Rationalist, 2) Empiricist, and 3) Scientific. 1 and 2 are philosophical justifications. 3 is not. It merely seeks what works. Philosophers attempt quite often to cast as justificationary (under their control) that which does not seek justification, but only seeks to perform.

    A scientist seeks to testify that he has done due diligence, he does not seek to make true statements. After his due diligence, and after the community’s due diligence, that which survives remains hypothesis theory or law.

    Science is not philosophical, but like law, practical. By practical application law evolves, and by practical applicatoin, science evolves. We philosophers attempt to explain this, but we do not inform science. We inform others about the progress of science. (Which in itself is an interesting phenomenon.)

    Science then does not bear a burden of analytic truth. It bears only its evolved polycentric, normative, laws against error, bias, and deception in the presentation of theories. Those laws are often poorly articulated (outside of experimental psychology). We can analyze those laws and translate them into philosophical terms as a warranty (promise) that theories are:

    • i) internally consistent (logical)
    • ii) externally correspondent (correlative)
    • iii) empirical (observable)
    • iv) operational (existentially possible)
    • v) falsifiable
    • vi) reasonably falsified

    Now, a good critical rationalist would say that all those criteria are means of falsification (criticism), not justifications, as most rationalists would attempt to assert. However, I see this as again, non-performative (verbalist) rationalist language. And instead that these are our evolved conditions of intellectual warranty, that have survived the test of time by eliminating error, bias, and deception.

    (a) “is the statement falsifiable?”
    My statement is reducible to “only existentially possible human operations – whether mental or physical – can exist”. This is a metaphysical not epistemological assertion. So the proposition that we must falsify a metaphysical statement is inapplicable. Without this stipulation no further argument is possible on any grounds.

    Just for fun: If we could state that existentially impossible human actions can exist, then yes it is falsifiable. Just as if we state that existentially impossible mathematical operations can exist. While both of these things are hard to conceive of, that does not mean that they cannot be constructed, just as we did not imaging that length was a local rather than absolute concept. (Einstein/Brouwer). all premises are theoretical, even metaphysical premises.

    Can something demonstrably exist, and can such a thing be observable? Since (this is the point of empiricist arguments) we can both sympathize with one another (or we could not cooperate on intentions) and observe our own reaction to incentive-producing phenomenon, we can in fact, make internal observations, and we can collect external, empirical observations from others. (We do. All the time. In many disciplines. )

    Now it is possible that say, the quantum theory of subconscious communication is possible, but that would only state that we were not conscious, not that we reacted to incentives (information). And that we could not observe it, just as we cannot observe many of our intuitionistic functions of the mind. They are hidden from us.

    Next;
    (b) “Not being an empirical statement, it cannot itself be empirically tested.”

    Well, it being a metaphysical statement that is its definition.

    But that said, this is a good example of the rationalist fallacy. Given that empirical means observable, that I know of, we cannot make non-empirical statements. This is the debate between empiricism and rationalism. Measurements are empirical observations. Internal observations of our own sensations are empirical observations. The question is whether we insert error, bias, and deception into those observations. We are not trying to assert observations are true, we are trying to assert that observations are reasonably free of all possible error, bias, and deception.

    Moreover, isolating and constructing a demonstrative test is useful only in those circumstances where we seek to uncover first principles (reduce variables). Not in those cases where we seek to discover emergent phenomenon in fully informed (existential) reality, in real time (study variables). Economics requires the latter. In physics the former. In economics we can subjectively test incentives – that is why we can cooperate, and why apes don’t (well). It is why we can use juries in courts. But we cannot deduce from incentives all possible emergent economic phenomenon, which while based upon simple rules produces fractal results (emergent complexity we cannot anticipate). In physics by contrast we do not know the first principles – we cannot empathize or sympathize with the physical universe (yet).

    Another rationalist fallacy: it is MORE accurate to collect unintentionally constructed data and see if it fits your model, than it is to construct an experiment and intentionally construct data. This is one of the benefits of economic data over other tests: we collect demonstrated preferences (performatively-true testimonies). Whereas we have demonstrated that we cannot collect performatively-true testimonies in most cases because of error bias and deception.

    (c) “There is the question of science vs. orthodoxy.”
    Orthodoxy is a justificationist position not a scientific one.
    So, actually, the question is normative (as practiced), juridical(survives criticism), and metaphysical(existentially possible). Philosophy as practiced is largely justificationary for ancient reasons. Science is demonstrative and theoretical for equally ancient reasons – largely to avoid the politically normative, which is highly loaded with error, bias and deception.

    For this reason it behooves us to recognize that philosophy as practiced is a political activity, not a scientific one. That is why the most sophisticated deceptions in history have been constructed via rationalist means. First monotheism was developed argumentatively as an authoritarian vehicle. Next philosophical argument. Then pseudoscientific. Finally postmodern abandoned all truth and reason.

    So the problem is not that science, must meet philosophical standards, but that rationalists must prove that they do not practice world history’s most successful art of lying, bias, and error. Since most great deceptions were carried out by rationalist rather than scientific means. Not the least of which were the church’s integration of aristotelianism, Rousseau’s justification and responsibility for the horrors of the revolution, Kant’s authoritarianism and responsibility for making marxism possible, marx’s responsibility for the death of 100M, Keynesianism’s responsibility for western civilization’s suicide, freudian psychology’s century long survival and all the damage it has done to individuals, Cantorian sets and the platonization of math and physics, scientific socialism and the loss of eastern Europe, and the postmodern and feminist attacks on the family – the central unit of reproduction.

    So rationalists must warrant that they do no harm, scientists must not warrant, and do not warrant that they speak the truth. Only that they have done due diligence against doing harm to the informational commons via error bias and deception. Could we hold a court to convict both rationalists and scientists on the harm done by error, bias and deception, the prisons would be filled with rationalists and nearly empty of scientists.

    Because the harm done by rationalists, is only exceeded by the great plagues. In that sense rationalism (justificationism) is an intellectual plague that we are justified in exterminating. (Which is to some small degree part of my work.)

    (d) ” it is an interesting philosophy that states that philosophy is to be excluded from consideration.”
    This statement requires that we agree on the term ‘philosophy’. Since in my work, I argue i think persuasively, that there isn’t any difference if both philosophy and science are subject to the same criterion. If science, philosophy, morality and law are not identical in content then someone is engaged in error, deception, or bias.

    Instead, I state that rationalism (at least german and jewish rationalism) is a justificationary, authoritarian cult that has produced catastrophic harm to man on the same scale as scriptural monotheism, and only slightly less terrible than the great plagues.

    And that is simply the result of looking at the evidence.

    CLOSING

    Hopefully I put this conversation into perspective, not only correcting a number of common rationalist fallacies.
    It might be a bit to swallow, but that’s just how it is.

    Curt Doolittle
    The Propertarian Institute
    L’viv Ukraine.

  • TURNING RATIONALISM ON ITS HEAD – AS AUTHORITARIANISM (from elsewhere) Thanks An

    TURNING RATIONALISM ON ITS HEAD – AS AUTHORITARIANISM

    (from elsewhere)

    Thanks Andrew:

    In regard to my statement:

    —“So no statement that is not open to sympathetic testing (falsification) by operational means (sympathetic testing) can be ‘true’, nor ‘scientific’ since ‘scientific’ refers to morally warrantable constraint upon one’s statements.”—

    You argue:

    –“It is important to consider if this statement itself is scientific or ‘true’ by its own terms. “–

    Well, this is a rationalist position, not a scientific position. So what is important to a person who justifies arguments to see if they are true (a rationalist), and a person who criticizes hypotheses to see if they are provide predictive results (a scientist) is considerably different.

    A frequent fallacy of philosophical argument is that there are two, not three arguments. They are 1) Rationalist, 2) Empiricist, and 3) Scientific. 1 and 2 are philosophical justifications. 3 is not. It merely seeks what works. Philosophers attempt quite often to cast as justificationary (under their control) that which does not seek justification, but only seeks to perform.

    A scientist seeks to testify that he has done due diligence, he does not seek to make true statements. After his due diligence, and after the community’s due diligence, that which survives remains hypothesis theory or law.

    Science is not philosophical, but like law, practical. By practical application law evolves, and by practical applicatoin, science evolves. We philosophers attempt to explain this, but we do not inform science. We inform others about the progress of science. (Which in itself is an interesting phenomenon.)

    Science then does not bear a burden of analytic truth. It bears only its evolved polycentric, normative, laws against error, bias, and deception in the presentation of theories. Those laws are often poorly articulated (outside of experimental psychology). We can analyze those laws and translate them into philosophical terms as a warranty (promise) that theories are:

    i) internally consistent (logical)

    ii) externally correspondent (correlative)

    iii) empirical (observable)

    iv) operational (existentially possible)

    v) falsifiable

    vi) reasonably falsified

    Now, a good critical rationalist would say that all those criteria are means of falsification (criticism), not justifications, as most rationalists would attempt to assert. However, I see this as again, non-performative (verbalist) rationalist language. And instead that these are our evolved conditions of intellectual warranty, that have survived the test of time by eliminating error, bias, and deception.

    (a) “is the statement falsifiable?”

    My statement is reducible to “only existentially possible human operations – whether mental or physical – can exist”. This is a metaphysical not epistemological assertion. So the proposition that we must falsify a metaphysical statement is inapplicable. Without this stipulation no further argument is possible on any grounds.

    Just for fun: If we could state that existentially impossible human actions can exist, then yes it is falsifiable. Just as if we state that existentially impossible mathematical operations can exist. While both of these things are hard to conceive of, that does not mean that they cannot be constructed, just as we did not imaging that length was a local rather than absolute concept. (Einstein/Brouwer). all premises are theoretical, even metaphysical premises.

    Can something demonstrably exist, and can such a thing be observable? Since (this is the point of empiricist arguments) we can both sympathize with one another (or we could not cooperate on intentions) and observe our own reaction to incentive-producing phenomenon, we can in fact, make internal observations, and we can collect external, empirical observations from others. (We do. All the time. In many disciplines. )

    Now it is possible that say, the quantum theory of subconscious communication is possible, but that would only state that we were not conscious, not that we reacted to incentives (information). And that we could not observe it, just as we cannot observe many of our intuitionistic functions of the mind. They are hidden from us.

    Next;

    (b) “Not being an empirical statement, it cannot itself be empirically tested.”

    Well, it being a metaphysical statement that is its definition.

    But that said, this is a good example of the rationalist fallacy. Given that empirical means observable, that I know of, we cannot make non-empirical statements. This is the debate between empiricism and rationalism. Measurements are empirical observations. Internal observations of our own sensations are empirical observations. The question is whether we insert error, bias, and deception into those observations. We are not trying to assert observations are true, we are trying to assert that observations are reasonably free of all possible error, bias, and deception.

    Moreover, isolating and constructing a demonstrative test is useful only in those circumstances where we seek to uncover first principles (reduce variables). Not in those cases where we seek to discover emergent phenomenon in fully informed (existential) reality, in real time (study variables). Economics requires the latter. In physics the former. In economics we can subjectively test incentives – that is why we can cooperate, and why apes don’t (well). It is why we can use juries in courts. But we cannot deduce from incentives all possible emergent economic phenomenon, which while based upon simple rules produces fractal results (emergent complexity we cannot anticipate). In physics by contrast we do not know the first principles – we cannot empathize or sympathize with the physical universe (yet).

    Another rationalist fallacy: it is MORE accurate to collect unintentionally constructed data and see if it fits your model, than it is to construct an experiment and intentionally construct data. This is one of the benefits of economic data over other tests: we collect demonstrated preferences (performatively-true testimonies). Whereas we have demonstrated that we cannot collect performatively-true testimonies in most cases because of error bias and deception.

    (c) “There is the question of science vs. orthodoxy.”

    Orthodoxy is a justificationist position not a scientific one.

    So, actually, the question is normative (as practiced), juridical(survives criticism), and metaphysical(existentially possible). Philosophy as practiced is largely justificationary for ancient reasons. Science is demonstrative and theoretical for equally ancient reasons – largely to avoid the politically normative, which is highly loaded with error, bias and deception.

    For this reason it behooves us to recognize that philosophy as practiced is a political activity, not a scientific one. That is why the most sophisitcated deceptions in history have been constructed via rationalist means. First monotheism was developed argumentatively as an authoritarian vehicle. Next philosophical argument. Then pseudoscientific. Finally postmodern abandoned all truth and reason.

    So the problem is not that science, must meet philosophical standards, but that rationalists must prove that they do not practice world history’s most successful art of lying, bias, and error. Since most great deceptions were carried out by rationalist rather than scientific means. Not the least of which were the church’s integration of aristotelianism, Rousseau’s justification and responsibilty for the horrors of the revolution, Kant’s authoritarianism and responsibilty for making marxism possible, marx’s responsibility for the death of 100M, Keynesianism’s responsibilty for western civilization’s suicide, freudian psychology’s century long survival and all the damage it has done to individuals, cantorian sets and the platonization of math and physics, scientific socialism and the loss of eastern europe, and the postmodern and feminist attacks on the family – the central unit of reproduction.

    So rationalists must warrant that they do no harm, scientists must not warrant, and do not warrant that they speak the truth. Only that they have done due diligence against doing harm to the informational commons via error bias and deception. Could we hold a court to convict both rationalists and scientists on the harm done by error, bias and deception, the prisons would be filled with rationalists and nearly empty of scientists.

    Because the harm done by rationalists, is only exceeded by the great plagues. In that sense rationalism (justificationism) is an intellectual plague that we are justified in exterminating. (Which is to some small degree part of my work.)

    (d) ” it is an interesting philosophy that states that philosophy is to be excluded from consideration.”

    This statement requires that we agree on the term ‘philosophy’. Since in my work, I argue i think persuasively, that there isn’t any difference if both philosophy and science are subject to the same criterion. If science, philosophy, morality and law are not identical in content then someone is engaged in error, deception, or bias.

    Instead, I state that rationalism (at least german and jewish rationalism) is a justificationary, authoritarian cult that has produced catastrophic harm to man on the same scale as scriptural monotheism, and only slightly less terrible than the great plagues.

    And that is simply the result of looking at the evidence.

    CLOSING

    Hopefully I put this conversation into perspective, not only correcting a number of common rationalist fallacies.

    It might be a bit to swallow, but that’s just how it is.

    Curt Doolittle

    The Propertarian Institute

    L’viv Ukraine.


    Source date (UTC): 2015-01-02 04:47:00 UTC

  • “Depending upon one’s conception of rights and what they logically entail or are

    —“Depending upon one’s conception of rights and what they logically entail or are incompatible with, it’s not difficult to see, for example, that the corpus of the libertarian program, in logical terms cannot countenance “add-ons” in so far as they are obligations that legitimate the use of force. The shortest, most concise illustration of how this follows from the premise that there is only one negative right, namely to not be aggressors against. Philosophers, such as Roderick Tracy Long argue that this positive thesis of one negative right entails a second negative thesis that logically denies and additional positive rights. If the former is granted, the latter follows, in virtue of the logical character of the obligations it entails.”—

    Ok, so, the reason it’s a nonsense argument is because the definition is circular. More precisely, “petitio principii”, or less precisely, “begging the question”. Like many cosmopolitan, authoritarian, questions-that-are-not-questions, aggression is a conclusion, not a premise. It is a justification. And like many cosmopolitan arguments it is reinforced by the use of in-group guilt (shaming), despite the fact that it is an out-group argument (attempt to preserve separatism.)

    So lets look at it….

    The term “Aggress” is like “Good”. It means nothing without context. And that is the first deceptive use of the term aggression. One must aggress against something. So we must know what that something is. Otherwise it is, like all obscurant verbal deceptions in incomplete sentence – left incomplete as a means of deception. Just as use of the verb ‘to-be’ is nearly always a means of obscuring one’s ignorance, or one’s intentional obfuscation of causal relations.

    It is impossible to define aggression without defining property. So the principle deception involved when most moral intuitionists state their position is that they rely on the INTUITIVE definition of property of the audience, while assuming a narrower definition of property themselves. In the Rothbard Hoppe case, they refer to physical property – intersubjectively verifiable property. However, this eliminates all possible commons, and licenses all unethical and immoral action.

    Then, when questioned, Rothbardians give one of the following excuses:

    (a) people can make contracts for that. But if they did, then what would the basis of that law be? and would they not ostracize all non-adherents in order to reduce transaction costs and increase compliance? Isn’t that the rational and demonstrated action – everywhere?

    (b) “the market will take care of it through competition.” Except that we can prove empirically that it doesn’t. In fact, we need extraordinary levels of suppression of immoral and unethical behavior for market competition to form.

    (c) “It’s meant only to be a guiding principle, not a basis for law.” Well then why not just use the definition of property necessary for a basis of law or morality?

    I could also just say that do we not force people to pay restitution in the case of accidents? Are accidents aggression? No. They are violations of property. Are immoral and unethical actions that cause loss to others mutually productive? (No) So are they rational to tolerate? (no). Do we retaliate against others for immoral and unethical actions? (yes) So aggression is insufficient for describing necessary conditions of human cooperation (Yes). And aren’t all attempts to justify defining these things as aggression — even though they are not — just verbal deceptions? They are ’caused losses’, right? So don’t we retaliate against caused losses, and isn’t retaliation what we seek to eliminate – just as much as seeking to eliminate caused losses?

    Well a rothbardian then attempts another deception: “Well that would mean competition is a ‘bad’, since it imposes losses.” But the honest man says, “No, in fact people do treat price competition as immoral (although not quality competition) and we have merely trained one another out of objecting to it by explaining that it is a cost of producing the incentive to innovate.”

    Why is it that Rothbard picked aggression, out of all the possible criteria for moral definitions? Why does no other group select this argument?

    When, I could just as easily ask,” How can we prevent retaliation for immoral and unethical actions – how can we license parasitism?” And conclude aggression.

    Or I could ask “How can we free ride upon another’s expensive-to-produce commons?” And come to aggression.

    Or I could ask, “What defines both criminal, ethical, and moral, conduct?” And come to aggression.

    Or I could ask, “How can I define ethical, moral and just using the terms of prohibited actions between states (aggression), between internal polities (separatism), and just ignore the fact that internal polities pay the costs of defense?” And I would come to aggression.

    Why would anyone in the world pick aggression as a definition, UNLESS the purpose of picking aggression was to justify the conclusions contained in it?

    Why, if aggression is not sufficient for law, and not sufficient for ethics and morality, is it meaningful? If you start with the presumption of aggression, WHY start with it?

    In propertarianism, I start with the question: “Why should I not kill you and take your women and your stuff? Oh? Cooperation might be more beneficial? Under what conditions would cooperation be more beneficial than killing you and taking your things? I see! As long as it’s mutually beneficial. As long as I get more than I would if I killed you and took your women and your things.” That would be the evolutionary attempt to solve the problem.

    I could also start with the question: “What incentives make it possible for the rational formation of a voluntary polity?” In that case, transaction costs prohibit the rational formation of a voluntary polity under aggression; and furthermore, other polities demonstrably exterminate such low trust competitors. That would be the rational solution to the problem.

    I could also start with the question “Under what definitions of property has liberty demonstrably evolved?” In which case I would see that only under total prohibition on immoral and unethical as well as criminal actions. That would be the empirical approach to the question.

    I could ask the question, “How can morality and law be constructed synonymously?” That would be the institutional approach to the problem.

    I could ask a lot of possible questions that are much more obvious, and NOT circular. So why is it that I would make a circular argument?

    The only logical reasons to start with aggression are (a) to justify prohibition on retaliation for immoral and unethical actions, (b) to justify non-contribution to the commons (free-riding separatism). Aggression is a means of defining low trust, parasitic, separatist ghetto ethics as ‘good’ despite the fact that all empirical evidence suggests that it makes a people unable to hold land, dependent upon a host population, and open to perpetual attempts at extermination.

    So, why would an honest person start with something as arbitrary as the rather elaborate concept of ‘aggression’?

    Well the answer is, he wouldn’t. Which is why no honest person ever has.

    The libertarian is unaware that any argument sufficiently complex to overwhelm reason must be resolved through intuition – and that libertarian moral intuition is false (incomplete). In other words, libertarians are suckers for certain categories of lies. Just like all humans are suckers for certain categories of lies – all for the same reason.

    (ASIDE: This overloading, suggestion, and appeal to intuition as a means of using internal biases to deceive the audience is the secret to the cosmopolitan and rationalist verbalisms. My goal over the next year or two is to fully undermine the cosmopolitan and german rationalist argument structures and demonstrate them for what they are: lies. The anglo enlightenment argument is wrong: universalism, aristocracy of everyone, the rational actor. But it isn’t a lie. And that’s what science does for us: it unmasks lies.)

    Curt Doolittle

    The Propertarian Institute

    L’viv (Lion) Ukraine.


    Source date (UTC): 2015-01-01 13:28:00 UTC

  • EVERY REDISTRIBUTED DOLLAR IS A LOST OPPORTUNITY FOR MUTUALLY BENEFICIAL EXCHANG

    EVERY REDISTRIBUTED DOLLAR IS A LOST OPPORTUNITY FOR MUTUALLY BENEFICIAL EXCHANGE

    The central argument that I have against Social Democracy (Keynesian economics or dishonest socialism) is not the exacerbation of the business cycle, nor even redistribution, but that it is a means of violating a voluntary exchange between the productive and unproductive classes. Every forcibly redistributed dollar is a lost opportunity for mutually beneficial and productive exchange. And what the productive classes would prefer in exchange, is largely respect for norms, respect for commons, and status signaling. Conservatives certainly don’t disfavor redistribution, they disfavor funding immorality. Most of us would be very happy to directly pay people who behave well, and not pay people who don’t, and to avoid the entire bureaucratic expansion caused by redistribution in services rather than income.


    Source date (UTC): 2014-12-28 14:07:00 UTC