Form: Argument

  • LIBERTY (FREEDOM FROM PARASITISM) MUST BE IMPOSED BY FORCE, BUT LIBERTY NEED NOT

    LIBERTY (FREEDOM FROM PARASITISM) MUST BE IMPOSED BY FORCE, BUT LIBERTY NEED NOT BE UNIVERSALLY REQUIRED: A MONOPOLY IS NOT NECESSARY.

    Liberty is the desire of those who are able, security the desire of those who are not, and parasitism is the desire of those who are evil.

    While strict construction of agreements, and the decidability of conflicts is impossible without a monopoly of individual property rights to property-en-toto, there is no reason for a monopoly means of producing commons using those rights.

    There is no reason some individuals cannot form collectives and ostracize libertarians and no reason libertarians cannot form collective and ostracize communalists.

    There is no reason some cannot participate in socialist groups and others libertarian groups – as long as rule of law under property-en-toto, and the total prohibition on parasitism exists as a means of providing for strict construction of agreements, and decidability in conflicts.

    We know what bad is: parasitism. But good is dependent upon your abilities.

    Curt Doolittle

    The Philosophy of Aristocracy

    The Propertarian Institute

    Kiev, Ukraine (Tallinn, Estonia)


    Source date (UTC): 2015-07-28 03:52:00 UTC

  • I’m Prosecuting You. It’s not a Debate.

    [W]e aren’t debating, or discoursing. We can’t debate or discourse until we’re not lying. Until we’re not lying we’re in conflict. So I am prosecuting your ideas to ensure you’re not lying. Only after you’re no longer lying, can we say that we are negotiating an exchange. But if we start from your premise of lying, and your premise of falsehoods, an honest exchange is not possible. If an honest exchange is not possible, then violence is preferable. So I am not trying to discover the truth. The truth is unknowable. I am not trying to discover an optimum solution, because it may be unknowable. I am only trying to ensure that you are not engaging in error, bias, wishful thinking, and deception. At that point, what remains is but truth. And all truthful exchanges of mutual benefit are ‘true’ and ‘optimum’. And all lies and thefts by lie are neither true nor optimum. So you start from the position of maximizing benefit. I start from the position of needing a reason not to kill you for lying.

    (PS: If you combine ethical propertarianism with personal stoicism you are probably the very best thinker that man can be.)
  • I’m Prosecuting You. It’s not a Debate.

    [W]e aren’t debating, or discoursing. We can’t debate or discourse until we’re not lying. Until we’re not lying we’re in conflict. So I am prosecuting your ideas to ensure you’re not lying. Only after you’re no longer lying, can we say that we are negotiating an exchange. But if we start from your premise of lying, and your premise of falsehoods, an honest exchange is not possible. If an honest exchange is not possible, then violence is preferable. So I am not trying to discover the truth. The truth is unknowable. I am not trying to discover an optimum solution, because it may be unknowable. I am only trying to ensure that you are not engaging in error, bias, wishful thinking, and deception. At that point, what remains is but truth. And all truthful exchanges of mutual benefit are ‘true’ and ‘optimum’. And all lies and thefts by lie are neither true nor optimum. So you start from the position of maximizing benefit. I start from the position of needing a reason not to kill you for lying.

    (PS: If you combine ethical propertarianism with personal stoicism you are probably the very best thinker that man can be.)
  • “We don’t agree that…”– [W]ell saying we don’t agree is to use a rhetorical f

    –“We don’t agree that…”–

    [W]ell saying we don’t agree is to use a rhetorical fallacy. Statements are true, false, or incomplete, whether we agree with one another or not. 1) There exist no laws of science itself. There exist, and we have evolved, procedures that we use to eliminate error, bias, wishful thinking and deceit from our hypothesis. These processes do not tell us a statement is true, they tell us only that it remains a truth candidate if it survives that set of criticisms. 2) There exist intuitions, hypothesis, theories, laws, and tautologies, because we have constructed them, and demonstrate them as such. 3) But there exist no non-tautological, yet certain premises: in other words, in any statement of arbitrary precision, we must seek limits, because all general rules possess limits. This is where mises failed by attempting to make use of justificationary Kantian rationalism instead of critical Popperian rationalism:science. Since there are no certain premises there are no certain deductions. Since there are laws we may deduce from them outcomes of equal precision. But if these are imprecise, then so are our deductions. 4) We can construct descriptive statements (theories) that are true, but inactionable, because they lack sufficient precision. A regularity may be so slow (business cycles, political cycles, generation cycles, and civilizational cycles) that no matter what we do within them, it is merely noise. Mises proposition that history is non-regular is based upon the presumption that each exchange is unique because it is both subjective and momentary. But he also proposes that we can empathize (sympathize) with economic statements and thereby test the rationality of any incentive. This pair of propositions constitutes is a logical contradiction. Since we can decide whether an incentive is rational, and we can test the rationality of others decisions (it’s how we test liars in court), then our judgements are marginally indifferent. If they are marginally indifferent, then they can be represented as constants. So at one end of the spectrum, decisions are marginally indifferent and we have tested this in thousands of ways in both economics and experimental psychology. And at the other end his purported axioms (action), and his purported laws (inflation, the neutrality of money, minimum wage) are both sufficiently imprecise as to be inactionable. When in fact, it is possible to produce intentional externalities by intentionally mainpulating these behaviors caused by assymetric information and resource distribution. And we can (quite accurately) measure those distortions. So it is not that these systems are not regular (they are), or that they are not deterministic (they are), or that they are not actionable (they are actionable), and therefore they are scientifically testable. Instead of being impervious to science in the development of general rules, it’s that these actions are immoral: they cause involuntary transfers from people with lower/longer time preference, to those with higher/shorter time preference, and thereby not only steal, but deprive the commons of behavioral change necessary to preserve extended time preference. ie: mises confused a moral theft, with a scientific truth. This is just one of his many failings in developing his pseudoscientific kantian nonsense – for which he was outcast from the profession, justifiably. His second main failing was that he did not grasp that he intuited (as did brouwer in math and bridgman in physics) that praxeology produced proofs of construction, but was insufficient for deduction. A proof of construction is necessary (not only in economics but in mathematics) to demonstrate that an economic statement is existentially possible. It is a means of attempting to falsify a statement. But most economic effects are not deducible, they are only observable empirically, and then explainable. They are explainable by attempting to construct them from a sequence of rational operations. If they cannot be constructed, then we cannot construct an existence proof, and as such a statement cannot be possible. It is possible to construct existence proofs for human actions under Keynesianism. But these proofs tell us that such manipulation is an act of deception that causes involuntary transfers (thefts). It is not that such actions are unscientific. As such mises was incorrect. He convused the immoral and the unscientifc. He confused justifiacationism under moral contract, with truth-candidates that survive criticism. This is a non-trivial subject. It is probably one of the most important philosopihical questions that hte 20th century philosophers failed to solve. As did all those before them. But it’s solved now. Mises was just wrong. He was a cosmopolitan, and an austro-hungarian both, and he simple failed. He failed worse than brouwer and bridgman. And because he failed, and Hayek failed, we were subject to a century of deceit. Curt Doolittle The Propertarian Institute Kiev, Ukraine

  • “We don’t agree that…”– [W]ell saying we don’t agree is to use a rhetorical f

    –“We don’t agree that…”–

    [W]ell saying we don’t agree is to use a rhetorical fallacy. Statements are true, false, or incomplete, whether we agree with one another or not. 1) There exist no laws of science itself. There exist, and we have evolved, procedures that we use to eliminate error, bias, wishful thinking and deceit from our hypothesis. These processes do not tell us a statement is true, they tell us only that it remains a truth candidate if it survives that set of criticisms. 2) There exist intuitions, hypothesis, theories, laws, and tautologies, because we have constructed them, and demonstrate them as such. 3) But there exist no non-tautological, yet certain premises: in other words, in any statement of arbitrary precision, we must seek limits, because all general rules possess limits. This is where mises failed by attempting to make use of justificationary Kantian rationalism instead of critical Popperian rationalism:science. Since there are no certain premises there are no certain deductions. Since there are laws we may deduce from them outcomes of equal precision. But if these are imprecise, then so are our deductions. 4) We can construct descriptive statements (theories) that are true, but inactionable, because they lack sufficient precision. A regularity may be so slow (business cycles, political cycles, generation cycles, and civilizational cycles) that no matter what we do within them, it is merely noise. Mises proposition that history is non-regular is based upon the presumption that each exchange is unique because it is both subjective and momentary. But he also proposes that we can empathize (sympathize) with economic statements and thereby test the rationality of any incentive. This pair of propositions constitutes is a logical contradiction. Since we can decide whether an incentive is rational, and we can test the rationality of others decisions (it’s how we test liars in court), then our judgements are marginally indifferent. If they are marginally indifferent, then they can be represented as constants. So at one end of the spectrum, decisions are marginally indifferent and we have tested this in thousands of ways in both economics and experimental psychology. And at the other end his purported axioms (action), and his purported laws (inflation, the neutrality of money, minimum wage) are both sufficiently imprecise as to be inactionable. When in fact, it is possible to produce intentional externalities by intentionally mainpulating these behaviors caused by assymetric information and resource distribution. And we can (quite accurately) measure those distortions. So it is not that these systems are not regular (they are), or that they are not deterministic (they are), or that they are not actionable (they are actionable), and therefore they are scientifically testable. Instead of being impervious to science in the development of general rules, it’s that these actions are immoral: they cause involuntary transfers from people with lower/longer time preference, to those with higher/shorter time preference, and thereby not only steal, but deprive the commons of behavioral change necessary to preserve extended time preference. ie: mises confused a moral theft, with a scientific truth. This is just one of his many failings in developing his pseudoscientific kantian nonsense – for which he was outcast from the profession, justifiably. His second main failing was that he did not grasp that he intuited (as did brouwer in math and bridgman in physics) that praxeology produced proofs of construction, but was insufficient for deduction. A proof of construction is necessary (not only in economics but in mathematics) to demonstrate that an economic statement is existentially possible. It is a means of attempting to falsify a statement. But most economic effects are not deducible, they are only observable empirically, and then explainable. They are explainable by attempting to construct them from a sequence of rational operations. If they cannot be constructed, then we cannot construct an existence proof, and as such a statement cannot be possible. It is possible to construct existence proofs for human actions under Keynesianism. But these proofs tell us that such manipulation is an act of deception that causes involuntary transfers (thefts). It is not that such actions are unscientific. As such mises was incorrect. He convused the immoral and the unscientifc. He confused justifiacationism under moral contract, with truth-candidates that survive criticism. This is a non-trivial subject. It is probably one of the most important philosopihical questions that hte 20th century philosophers failed to solve. As did all those before them. But it’s solved now. Mises was just wrong. He was a cosmopolitan, and an austro-hungarian both, and he simple failed. He failed worse than brouwer and bridgman. And because he failed, and Hayek failed, we were subject to a century of deceit. Curt Doolittle The Propertarian Institute Kiev, Ukraine

  • WE AREN’T DEBATING: I”M PROSECUTING YOU. —We aren’t debating, or discoursing.

    WE AREN’T DEBATING: I”M PROSECUTING YOU.

    —We aren’t debating, or discoursing. We can’t debate or discourse until we’re not lying. Until we’re not lying we’re in conflict. So I am prosecuting your ideas to ensure you’re not lying. Only after you’re no longer lying, can we say that we are negotiating an exchange. But if we start from your premise of lying, and your premise of falsehoods, an honest exchange is not possible. If an honest exchange is not possible, the violence is preferable. So I am not trying to discover the truth. They truth is unknowable. I am not trying to discover an optimum solution, because it may be unknowable. I am only trying to ensure that you are not engaging in error, bias, wishful thinking, and deception. At that point, what remains is but truth. And all truthful exchanges of mutual benefit are ‘true’ and ‘optimum’. And all lies and thefts by lie are neither true nor optimum. So you start from the position of maximizing benefit. I start from the position of needing a reason not to kill you for lying.—

    (PS: If you combine ethical propertarianism with personal stoicism you are probably the very best thinker that man can be.)

    Eli Harman Aaron Kahland


    Source date (UTC): 2015-07-19 03:58:00 UTC

  • Well saying we don’t agree is to use a rhetorical fallacy. Statements are true,

    Well saying we don’t agree is to use a rhetorical fallacy. Statements are true, false, or incomplete, whether we agree with one another or not.

    1) There exist no laws of science itself. There exist, and we have evolved, procedures that we use to eliminate error, bias, wishful thinking and deceit from our hypothesis. These processes do not tell us a statement is true, they tell us only that it remains a truth candidate if it survives that set of criticisms.

    2) There exist intuitions, hypothesis, theories, laws, and tautologies, because we have constructed them, and demonstrate them as such.

    3) But there exist no non-tautological, yet certain premises: in other words, in any statement of arbitrary precision, we must seek limits, because all general rules possess limits. This is where mises failed by attempting to make use of justificationary Kantian rationalism instead of critical Popperian rationalism:science. Since there are no certain premises there are no certain deductions. Since there are laws we may deduce from them outcomes of equal precision. But if these are imprecise, then so are our deductions.

    4) We can construct descriptive statements (theories) that are true, but inactionable, because they lack sufficient precision. A regularity may be so slow (business cycles, political cycles, generation cycles, and civilizational cycles) that no matter what we do within them, it is merely noise.

    Mises proposition that history is non-regular is based upon the presumption that each exchange is unique because it is both subjective and momentary.

    But he also proposes that we can empathize (sympathize) with economic statements and thereby test the rationality of any incentive.

    This pair of propositions constitutes is a logical contradiction. Since we can decide whether an incentive is rational, and we can test the rationality of others decisions (it’s how we test liars in court), then our judgements are marginally indifferent. If they are marginally indifferent, then they can be represented as constants.

    So at one end of the spectrum, decisions are marginally indifferent and we have tested this in thousands of ways in both economics and experimental psychology.

    And at the other end his purported axioms (action), and his purported laws (inflation, the neutrality of money, minimum wage) are both sufficiently imprecise as to be inactionable. When in fact, it is possible to produce intentional externalities by intentionally mainpulating these behaviors caused by assymetric information and resource distribution.

    And we can (quite accurately) measure those distortions. So it is not that these systems are not regular (they are), or that they are not deterministic (they are), or that they are not actionable (they are actionable), and therefore they are scientifically testable.

    Instead of being impervious to science in the development of general rules, it’s that these actions are immoral: they cause involuntary transfers from people with lower/longer time preference, to those with higher/shorter time preference, and thereby not only steal, but deprive the commons of behavioral change necessary to preserve extended time preference.

    ie: mises confused a moral theft, with a scientific truth.

    This is just one of his many failings in developing his pseudoscientific kantian nonsense – for which he was outcast from the profession, justifiably.

    His second main failing was that he did not grasp that he intuited (as did brouwer in math and bridgman in physics) that praxeology produced proofs of construction, but was insufficient for deduction.

    A proof of construction is necessary (not only in economics but in mathematics) to demonstrate that an economic statement is existentially possible. It is a means of attempting to falsify a statement.

    But most economic effects are not deducible, they are only observable empirically, and then explainable. They are explainable by attempting to construct them from a sequence of rational operations. If they cannot be constructed, then we cannot construct an existence proof, and as such a statement cannot be possible.

    It is possible to construct existence proofs for human actions under Keynesianism. But these proofs tell us that such manipulation is an act of deception that causes involuntary transfers (thefts). It is not that such actions are unscientific.

    As such mises was incorrect. He convused the immoral and the unscientifc. He confused justifiacationism under moral contract, with truth-candidates that survive criticism.

    This is a non-trivial subject. It is probably one of the most important philosopihical questions that hte 20th century philosophers failed to solve. As did all those before them.

    But it’s solved now.

    Mises was just wrong. He was a cosmopolitan, and an austro-hungarian both, and he simple failed. He failed worse than brouwer and bridgman. And because he failed, and hayek failed, we were subject to a century of deceit.


    Source date (UTC): 2015-07-18 09:17:00 UTC

  • PROPERTARIANISM FOR THE PROSECUTION. (good) [I]f we claim we speak truthfully, t

    PROPERTARIANISM FOR THE PROSECUTION.

    (good)

    [I]f we claim we speak truthfully, then that we perform an act of testimony.

    If we are both trying to find the truth, then we engage in an act of discourse.

    If we are both trying to persuade and inform a jury(audience), then we participate in a debate.

    But if you are trying to engage in deceit for the purpose of theft (free riding) then you are a defendant and I am a prosecutor.

    I AM A PROSECUTOR.

    That is why I appear and am hostile. If you are a parasite, then I am a prosecutor. And I want to build an army of prosecutors the way the Jesuits did. Except this time, we will prosecute liars.


    Source date (UTC): 2015-07-13 15:44:00 UTC

  • THE FREE MARKET IS A FIAT CONSTRUCT PRODUCED BY ORGANIZED VIOLENCE The free mark

    THE FREE MARKET IS A FIAT CONSTRUCT PRODUCED BY ORGANIZED VIOLENCE

    The free market itself is a fiat construct. Just as property rights are a fiat construct. Morality, Property, and Free Markets require forcible imposition. The condition of primitive man is one of overlapping rents. Paternalism, Non-kin-Morality, Property and Trade were institutional innovations all of which required the organized application of violence to construct.

    Neither violence nor fiat are ‘bads’. They are means, not ends. One either constructs a disrtibution of perception, cognition, knowledge, labor, distribution, and trade by the imposition of property rights, morality, and free markets or one fails to do so by constructing a network of rents.

    Fiat criticism is non-substantive. The natural order of man is an equilibrium between static rents and innovative freedoms.

    To construct liberty requires a constant application of organized violence to resist the equilibrating forces of rent seekers.

    Pacifist Libertinism is an attempt by means of obscurantist loading, framing, and overloading to achieve cheaply, by sophisticated gossip, that which can only be achieved by organized violence.

    Curt Doolittle

    The Propertarian Institute

    Kiev, Ukraine.


    Source date (UTC): 2015-07-06 03:52:00 UTC

  • ARISTOCRATIC LIBERTARIANISM VS GHETTO LIBERTINISM You know, you can put a sign o

    ARISTOCRATIC LIBERTARIANISM VS GHETTO LIBERTINISM

    You know, you can put a sign over your head and call yourself a libertarian: an advocate for a condition of liberty, but that doesn’t make you a libertarian. Any more than calling someone an Austrian Economist in the Cosmopolitan wing makes you an Austrian Economist in the German Wing. What makes you an Austrian economist is seeking to improve institutions of cooperation so that we reduce all possible friction (transaction costs). And what makes you a libertarian is to seek to improve cooperation by opposing all institutional means of free riding, so that we reduce all friction (transaction costs).

    So if you want a libertarian movement, you are kind of stuck with Aristocratic Libertarianism, because ONLY aristocratic libertarianism (and not ghetto libertinism) can produce sufficient elimination of transaction costs that it is rational to join an anarchic, and by anarchic I mean NOMOCRATIC, polity.

    I want to unite libertarians and conservatives. But to do that I have to demonstrate the propaganda of the Rothbardians as not only insufficient, but an obscurantist deception on the same scale as neo-conservatism, marxism, socialism, and monotheism.

    So we now know Rothbardianism is another cosmopolitan deception – just like socialism – by means of loading, framing, and overloading.

    And we also know that the conservatives have failed to produce a ratio-scientific and institutional solution to the problem of the destruction of western civilization through lying, pseudoscience, propaganda, using the academy and media.

    So knowing that classical liberal conservatism and rothbardian libertinism have failed, and why they have failed (which I have elaborated upon repeatedly elsewhere) we can abandon hope that either classical liberal conservatism or rothbardian libertinism will restore western civilization to a condition of liberty.

    And then we can look at the institutional solution provided by Propertarianism, and create a post-classical liberal political system that does not require majority rule, and allows groups to conduct political exchanges in a market for the construction of commons, rather than impose their will upon minorities.

    We do not need to approve such contracts. We need only demonstrate that they are objectively ethical and moral. And if all such contracts like all commons are open to criticism under universal standing, then we need no assent. Our proposals instead, need to survive criticism.

    And by that structural change we turn politics into a branch of science.

    Curt Doolittle

    The Propertarian Institute

    Kiev, Ukraine.


    Source date (UTC): 2015-07-03 03:29:00 UTC