(FB 1547435286 Timestamp) Gross adjusted household disposable income per capita of OECD countries in 2017 (in U.S. dollars) WHY BRITS SEEM POOR (THEY ARE)
Category: Economics, Finance, and Political Economy
-
(FB 1547435286 Timestamp) Gross adjusted household disposable income per capita
(FB 1547435286 Timestamp) Gross adjusted household disposable income per capita of OECD countries in 2017 (in U.S. dollars) WHY BRITS SEEM POOR (THEY ARE)
-
Curt Doolittle updated his status.
(FB 1547486221 Timestamp) RELATIVE COSTS AND INCOME BALANCE OUT MAJOR DIFFERENCES IS NOT STATE BUT URBAN VS RURAL Alabama Median household income: $44,765 Regional price parity out of 100: 86.8 Real income: $51,573 Alaska Median household income: $73,355 Regional price parity out of 100: 105.6 Real income: $69,465 Arizona Median household income: $51,492 Regional price parity out of 100: 96.2 Real income: $53,526 Arkansas Median household income: $41,995 Regional price parity out of 100: 87.4 Real income: $48,049 California Median household income: $64,500 Regional price parity out of 100: 113.4 Real income: $56,878 Colorado Median household income: $63,909 Regional price parity out of 100: 103.2 Real income: $61,927 Connecticut Median household income: $71,346 Regional price parity out of 100: 108.7 Real income: $65,636 Delaware Median household income: $61,255 Regional price parity out of 100: 100.4 Real income: $61,011 District of Columbia Median household income: $75,628 Regional price parity out of 100: 117 Real income: $64,639 Florida Median household income: $49,426 Regional price parity out of 100: 99.5 Real income: $49,674 Georgia Median household income: $51,244 Regional price parity out of 100: 92.6 Real income: $55,339 Hawaii Median household income: $73,486 Regional price parity out of 100: 118.8 Real income: $61,857 Idaho Median household income: $48,275 Regional price parity out of 100: 93.4 Real income: $51,686 Illinois Median household income: $59,588 Regional price parity out of 100: 99.7 Real income: $59,767 Indiana Median household income: $50,532 Regional price parity out of 100: 90.7 Real income: $55,713 Iowa Median household income: $54,736 Regional price parity out of 100: 90.3 Real income: $60,616 Kansas Median household income: $53,906 Regional price parity out of 100: 90.4 Real income: $59,631 Kentucky Median household income: $45,215 Regional price parity out of 100: 88.6 Real income: $51,033 Louisiana Median household income: $45,727 Regional price parity out of 100: 90.6 Real income: $50,471 Maine Median household income: $51,494 Regional price parity out of 100: 98 Real income: $52,545 Maryland Median household income: $75,847 Regional price parity out of 100: 109.6 Real income: $69,203 Massachusetts Median household income: $70,628 Regional price parity out of 100: 106.9 Real income: $66,069 Michigan Median household income: $51,084 Regional price parity out of 100: 93.5 Real income: $54,635 Minnesota Median household income: $63,488 Regional price parity out of 100: 97.4 Real income: $65,183 Mississippi Median household income: $40,593 Regional price parity out of 100: 86.2 Real income: $47,092 Missouri Median household income: $50,238 Regional price parity out of 100: 89.3 Real income: $56,258 Montana Median household income: $49,509 Regional price parity out of 100: 94.8 Real income: $52,225 Nebraska Median household income: $54,996 Regional price parity out of 100: 90.6 Real income: $60,702
-
Curt Doolittle updated his status.
(FB 1547486221 Timestamp) RELATIVE COSTS AND INCOME BALANCE OUT MAJOR DIFFERENCES IS NOT STATE BUT URBAN VS RURAL Alabama Median household income: $44,765 Regional price parity out of 100: 86.8 Real income: $51,573 Alaska Median household income: $73,355 Regional price parity out of 100: 105.6 Real income: $69,465 Arizona Median household income: $51,492 Regional price parity out of 100: 96.2 Real income: $53,526 Arkansas Median household income: $41,995 Regional price parity out of 100: 87.4 Real income: $48,049 California Median household income: $64,500 Regional price parity out of 100: 113.4 Real income: $56,878 Colorado Median household income: $63,909 Regional price parity out of 100: 103.2 Real income: $61,927 Connecticut Median household income: $71,346 Regional price parity out of 100: 108.7 Real income: $65,636 Delaware Median household income: $61,255 Regional price parity out of 100: 100.4 Real income: $61,011 District of Columbia Median household income: $75,628 Regional price parity out of 100: 117 Real income: $64,639 Florida Median household income: $49,426 Regional price parity out of 100: 99.5 Real income: $49,674 Georgia Median household income: $51,244 Regional price parity out of 100: 92.6 Real income: $55,339 Hawaii Median household income: $73,486 Regional price parity out of 100: 118.8 Real income: $61,857 Idaho Median household income: $48,275 Regional price parity out of 100: 93.4 Real income: $51,686 Illinois Median household income: $59,588 Regional price parity out of 100: 99.7 Real income: $59,767 Indiana Median household income: $50,532 Regional price parity out of 100: 90.7 Real income: $55,713 Iowa Median household income: $54,736 Regional price parity out of 100: 90.3 Real income: $60,616 Kansas Median household income: $53,906 Regional price parity out of 100: 90.4 Real income: $59,631 Kentucky Median household income: $45,215 Regional price parity out of 100: 88.6 Real income: $51,033 Louisiana Median household income: $45,727 Regional price parity out of 100: 90.6 Real income: $50,471 Maine Median household income: $51,494 Regional price parity out of 100: 98 Real income: $52,545 Maryland Median household income: $75,847 Regional price parity out of 100: 109.6 Real income: $69,203 Massachusetts Median household income: $70,628 Regional price parity out of 100: 106.9 Real income: $66,069 Michigan Median household income: $51,084 Regional price parity out of 100: 93.5 Real income: $54,635 Minnesota Median household income: $63,488 Regional price parity out of 100: 97.4 Real income: $65,183 Mississippi Median household income: $40,593 Regional price parity out of 100: 86.2 Real income: $47,092 Missouri Median household income: $50,238 Regional price parity out of 100: 89.3 Real income: $56,258 Montana Median household income: $49,509 Regional price parity out of 100: 94.8 Real income: $52,225 Nebraska Median household income: $54,996 Regional price parity out of 100: 90.6 Real income: $60,702
-
Curt Doolittle updated his status.
(FB 1547640050 Timestamp) THE HIDDEN DECLINE IN HUMAN CAPITALâAND THE DANGER AHEAD by Peter Temin, Professor Emeritus of Economics, Massachusetts Institute of Technology(MIT). U.S. GDP accounting underestimates intangible capital, overstates financial capital, and is all but oblivious to the the erosion of human and social capital. A serious growth slowdown is coming. The American economy changed rapidly in the last half-century. We kept track of this transformation through the National Income and Product Accounts (NIPA), a set of statistical constructs that were designed before these changes started. Our national accounts have stretched to accommodate new and growing service activities, but they are still organized by their original design. This can be seen in the growth of financial activity and the efforts of many economists to fit finance into our measurement of national product and of economic growth. I argue in my paper that our current economic data fail to describe accurately the path of growth in our new economy. They fail to see that the United States is consuming its capital stock now and will suffer later, rather like killing the family cow to have a steak dinner. Modern growth theory started with two papers by Robert M. Solow in the late 1950s. The first paper showed that it was possible to create a stable model of economic growth using a Keynesian model of investment and capital. The second paper showed that this model failed to explain most of American growth in the first half of the 20th century (Solow, 1956, 1957). Other economists expanded Solowâs model by adding additional types of capital: human capital, social capital, financial capital. The first addition was to add human capital by measuring the effect of education on productivity. This enabled economists to work with an expanded Solow model. The second addition was to add social capital. This was added in cross-sectional regressions and has not been applied to ongoing growth estimates. The third addition was added by assuming that wealth equals physical capital, that is, financial capital is indistinguishable from physical assets (Mankiw, Romer and Weil, 1992; Hall and Jones, 1999; Dasgupta, 2007; Piketty 2014). These additions furnished explanations of economic growth in the United States and other countries. The importance of these contributions was confirmed in many empirical studies, but the NIPA continues to calculate Private Fixed Investment, a Keynesian construct, as the investment part of GDP. This problem is acute in the data for finance. Philippon (2015, 1435) concluded that, âThe unit cost of financial intermediation does not seem to have decreased significantly in recent years.â As he says, this is surprising on several grounds. I build on his work to understand whether this result is the result of how the underlying data were collected. This disconnect infects the calculation of economic growth. Griliches (1990, 1994) noted over two decades ago that more and more of GDP is composed of services, which also have been called intangibles. It is hard to estimate the output of the financial sector, for example, so it is measured by its inputs. As I will show, although this may give a useful measure of current activity, it is less informative about economic growth. There are two problems. It is hard to measure productivity if inputs and outputs are conflated. If we fail to include productivity growth of an increasing part of the national product, we increasingly will underestimate the growth of the national product. Further, if we do not have a good measure of output, it is almost impossible to measure investments in finance and other intangibles. If we do not have good measures of the various forms of capital listed here, we will not be able to think hard about longer-run growth. Concern about this latter point provides the motivation for this paper. Outside the literature on the national product, there are many treatments of these new forms of capital. In addition to financial capital, human capital has been the center of explanations for the United Statesâ economic domination in the twentieth century as well as the progress of individuals within the United States (Golden and Katz, 2008; Heckman, Pinto and Savelyev, 2013). Social capital has been the center of analyses of economic growth in the United States and elsewhere and in the long and short run (Putnam, 1993, 2000; Dasgupta, 2007). Measuring these forms of capital poses many of the same problems as measuring financial capital. I review in this paper the accounting methods used to compile investment data to understand how these other forms of capital behave in an economy that has changed markedly since the 1950s. I conclude that current accounting of growth in GDP fails to include the kind of investment that generates these other forms of capital. This conclusion has three implications. First, short-run growth as currently calculated bears more relation to short-run Keynesian analysis than to what we know about long-run economic growth. Second, financial capital increases inequality more than it generates growth for the entire economy. Third, we are now allowing human and social capital to depreciate, auguring ill for future economic growth in the United States. Peter Temin is Elisha Gray II Professor Emeritus of Economics at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT). His âThe Political Economy of Mass Incarceration and Crime: An Analytic Model,â has just been published by the International Journal of Political Economy. A revised version of an earlier INET Working Paper, it will be freely available on line for the month after January 5, 2019: https://www.tandfonline.com/do⦠References Dasgupta, Partha. 2007. Economics: A Very Short Introduction. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Golden, Claudia, and Lawrence F. Katz. 2008. The Race between Eduction and Technology. Cambridge, MA Harvard University Press. Griliches, Zvi (ed.). Output Measurement in the Service Sectors. Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1990. Griliches, Zvi. 1994. âProductivity, R&D, and the Data Constraint.â American Economic Review, 84 (1): 1-23. Hall, Robert E., and Charles I. Jones. 1999. âWhy Do Some Countries Produce So Much More Output per Worker than Others?â Quarterly Journal of Economics, 83-116. Heckman, James, Rodrigo Pinto, and Peter Savelyev. 2013. âUnderstanding the Mechanisms Through Which an Influential Early Childhood Program Boosted Adult Outcomes.â American Economic Review, 103 (6): 2052-2086. Mankiw, N. Gregory, David Romer and David N. Weil. 1992. âA Contribution to the Empirics of Economic Growth.â Quarterly Journal of Economics 107 (2): 407-37. Philippon, Thomas. 2015. âHas the US Financial Industry Become Less Efficient? On the Theory and Measurement of Financial Intermediation.â American Economic Review 105 (4), 1408-1438. Piketty, Thomas. 2014. Capital in the Twenty-First Century. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Putnam, Robert D. 1993. Making Democracy Work: Civic Tradition in Modern Italy. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Putnam, Robert D. 2000. Bowling Alone: The Collapse and Revival of American Community. New York: Simon and Shuster. Solow, Robert M. 1956. âA Contribution to the Theory of Economic Growth.â Quarterly Journal of Economics 70: 65-94. Solow, Robert M. 1957. âTechnical Change and the Aggregate Production Function.â Review of Economics and Statistics 39: 312-20. VIA: https://www.ineteconomics.org/perspectives/blog/the-hidden-decline-in-human-capital-and-the-danger-ahead? PAPER: https://www.ineteconomics.org/uploads/papers/WP_86-Temin-Finance-in-Economic-Growth.pdf
-
Curt Doolittle updated his status.
(FB 1547596423 Timestamp) How much longer are we going to have to tolerate butt-hurt libertarians? Give it up kids. Malinvestment like the rest of us. Move on. PATH OF MATURITY Democrat > Classical Liberal > Libertarian > Anarcho Capitalism > Neo Reaction > Propertarianism. Propertarianism = Perfect Government. 1) Algorithmic Natural Law, and an Independent Judiciary of the law, and a ready, trained, militia. 2) Choose: Nationalistic (eugenic) or Anti-Nationalistic (dysgenic) 3) Choose your means of producing commons: Monarchic, Oligarchy (senate), Classical LIberal (classes), Social Democratic, Direct Democracy. Direct Economic Democracy. 4) Choose your method of education (mindfulness(religion), ethics (manners, ethics, morals, laws), methods of calculation, general knowledge, occupational skills.)
-
Curt Doolittle updated his status.
(FB 1547591292 Timestamp) —“Curt when you say ‘productive’ what do you mean?”— Eric Orwoll. Anything that is not unproductive. For example, blackmail does not increase any form of capital – it is voluntary but parasitic. In economics if the returns on an opportunity cost of a transaction is greater than the returns on the next most preferable opportunity cost (holding the good, service, or information), then it is unproductive. This is a bit difficult for most people to deal with because it consists almost entirely of via-negativa logic. So we just measure changes to property in toto and ask if it is negative or positive. If it is positive it doesn’t matter if it’s voluntary. If it’s negative it’s very hard to imagine that it was voluntary. And it’s just as hard to demonstrate the counter to that statement as it is to counter the premise of rational action. When all else false demonstrated behavior is what it is: evidence of involuntary transfer.
-
Curt Doolittle updated his status.
(FB 1547640050 Timestamp) THE HIDDEN DECLINE IN HUMAN CAPITALâAND THE DANGER AHEAD by Peter Temin, Professor Emeritus of Economics, Massachusetts Institute of Technology(MIT). U.S. GDP accounting underestimates intangible capital, overstates financial capital, and is all but oblivious to the the erosion of human and social capital. A serious growth slowdown is coming. The American economy changed rapidly in the last half-century. We kept track of this transformation through the National Income and Product Accounts (NIPA), a set of statistical constructs that were designed before these changes started. Our national accounts have stretched to accommodate new and growing service activities, but they are still organized by their original design. This can be seen in the growth of financial activity and the efforts of many economists to fit finance into our measurement of national product and of economic growth. I argue in my paper that our current economic data fail to describe accurately the path of growth in our new economy. They fail to see that the United States is consuming its capital stock now and will suffer later, rather like killing the family cow to have a steak dinner. Modern growth theory started with two papers by Robert M. Solow in the late 1950s. The first paper showed that it was possible to create a stable model of economic growth using a Keynesian model of investment and capital. The second paper showed that this model failed to explain most of American growth in the first half of the 20th century (Solow, 1956, 1957). Other economists expanded Solowâs model by adding additional types of capital: human capital, social capital, financial capital. The first addition was to add human capital by measuring the effect of education on productivity. This enabled economists to work with an expanded Solow model. The second addition was to add social capital. This was added in cross-sectional regressions and has not been applied to ongoing growth estimates. The third addition was added by assuming that wealth equals physical capital, that is, financial capital is indistinguishable from physical assets (Mankiw, Romer and Weil, 1992; Hall and Jones, 1999; Dasgupta, 2007; Piketty 2014). These additions furnished explanations of economic growth in the United States and other countries. The importance of these contributions was confirmed in many empirical studies, but the NIPA continues to calculate Private Fixed Investment, a Keynesian construct, as the investment part of GDP. This problem is acute in the data for finance. Philippon (2015, 1435) concluded that, âThe unit cost of financial intermediation does not seem to have decreased significantly in recent years.â As he says, this is surprising on several grounds. I build on his work to understand whether this result is the result of how the underlying data were collected. This disconnect infects the calculation of economic growth. Griliches (1990, 1994) noted over two decades ago that more and more of GDP is composed of services, which also have been called intangibles. It is hard to estimate the output of the financial sector, for example, so it is measured by its inputs. As I will show, although this may give a useful measure of current activity, it is less informative about economic growth. There are two problems. It is hard to measure productivity if inputs and outputs are conflated. If we fail to include productivity growth of an increasing part of the national product, we increasingly will underestimate the growth of the national product. Further, if we do not have a good measure of output, it is almost impossible to measure investments in finance and other intangibles. If we do not have good measures of the various forms of capital listed here, we will not be able to think hard about longer-run growth. Concern about this latter point provides the motivation for this paper. Outside the literature on the national product, there are many treatments of these new forms of capital. In addition to financial capital, human capital has been the center of explanations for the United Statesâ economic domination in the twentieth century as well as the progress of individuals within the United States (Golden and Katz, 2008; Heckman, Pinto and Savelyev, 2013). Social capital has been the center of analyses of economic growth in the United States and elsewhere and in the long and short run (Putnam, 1993, 2000; Dasgupta, 2007). Measuring these forms of capital poses many of the same problems as measuring financial capital. I review in this paper the accounting methods used to compile investment data to understand how these other forms of capital behave in an economy that has changed markedly since the 1950s. I conclude that current accounting of growth in GDP fails to include the kind of investment that generates these other forms of capital. This conclusion has three implications. First, short-run growth as currently calculated bears more relation to short-run Keynesian analysis than to what we know about long-run economic growth. Second, financial capital increases inequality more than it generates growth for the entire economy. Third, we are now allowing human and social capital to depreciate, auguring ill for future economic growth in the United States. Peter Temin is Elisha Gray II Professor Emeritus of Economics at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT). His âThe Political Economy of Mass Incarceration and Crime: An Analytic Model,â has just been published by the International Journal of Political Economy. A revised version of an earlier INET Working Paper, it will be freely available on line for the month after January 5, 2019: https://www.tandfonline.com/do⦠References Dasgupta, Partha. 2007. Economics: A Very Short Introduction. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Golden, Claudia, and Lawrence F. Katz. 2008. The Race between Eduction and Technology. Cambridge, MA Harvard University Press. Griliches, Zvi (ed.). Output Measurement in the Service Sectors. Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1990. Griliches, Zvi. 1994. âProductivity, R&D, and the Data Constraint.â American Economic Review, 84 (1): 1-23. Hall, Robert E., and Charles I. Jones. 1999. âWhy Do Some Countries Produce So Much More Output per Worker than Others?â Quarterly Journal of Economics, 83-116. Heckman, James, Rodrigo Pinto, and Peter Savelyev. 2013. âUnderstanding the Mechanisms Through Which an Influential Early Childhood Program Boosted Adult Outcomes.â American Economic Review, 103 (6): 2052-2086. Mankiw, N. Gregory, David Romer and David N. Weil. 1992. âA Contribution to the Empirics of Economic Growth.â Quarterly Journal of Economics 107 (2): 407-37. Philippon, Thomas. 2015. âHas the US Financial Industry Become Less Efficient? On the Theory and Measurement of Financial Intermediation.â American Economic Review 105 (4), 1408-1438. Piketty, Thomas. 2014. Capital in the Twenty-First Century. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Putnam, Robert D. 1993. Making Democracy Work: Civic Tradition in Modern Italy. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Putnam, Robert D. 2000. Bowling Alone: The Collapse and Revival of American Community. New York: Simon and Shuster. Solow, Robert M. 1956. âA Contribution to the Theory of Economic Growth.â Quarterly Journal of Economics 70: 65-94. Solow, Robert M. 1957. âTechnical Change and the Aggregate Production Function.â Review of Economics and Statistics 39: 312-20. VIA: https://www.ineteconomics.org/perspectives/blog/the-hidden-decline-in-human-capital-and-the-danger-ahead? PAPER: https://www.ineteconomics.org/uploads/papers/WP_86-Temin-Finance-in-Economic-Growth.pdf
-
Curt Doolittle updated his status.
(FB 1547591292 Timestamp) —“Curt when you say ‘productive’ what do you mean?”— Eric Orwoll. Anything that is not unproductive. For example, blackmail does not increase any form of capital – it is voluntary but parasitic. In economics if the returns on an opportunity cost of a transaction is greater than the returns on the next most preferable opportunity cost (holding the good, service, or information), then it is unproductive. This is a bit difficult for most people to deal with because it consists almost entirely of via-negativa logic. So we just measure changes to property in toto and ask if it is negative or positive. If it is positive it doesn’t matter if it’s voluntary. If it’s negative it’s very hard to imagine that it was voluntary. And it’s just as hard to demonstrate the counter to that statement as it is to counter the premise of rational action. When all else false demonstrated behavior is what it is: evidence of involuntary transfer.
-
Curt Doolittle updated his status.
(FB 1547748265 Timestamp) NATIONALIZING VISA AND MASTERCARD WILL BE A NECESSITY We are going to nationalize visa/mc with a controlling govt interest rather than regulating it. Why? With the end of consumer interest, the businesses will collapse, and the organization survive entirely on transaction fees. This organization is necessary for the distribution of liquidity, the transfer of payments, and the purchasing of goods, services and information. When this occurs, it will no longer be possible for the card companies to intervene in the process of political speech. Consumer Banking as we know it will largely collapse, and the services will be picked up by grocery stores and drug stores. Private companies will also no longer be able to play credit games with consumers nor issue their own credit, because it will be uncollectible (unenforcible) debt if they do. This will cause a shit-storm. There is nothing in consumer credit that is not purely actuarial (computational). Nothing. There is very little need for enforcement when liquidity is distribute to consumers instead of through the financial system, and consumer debt is paid down from that distribution. The regularity that this will add to the commercial cycle as we can adapt to shocks almost instantaneously will be as historic an improvement as was use of shares in the economy as a money substitute.