“Lawmakers parcel out human existence, by right of conquest, like Alexander’s generals sharing the world.” – Benjamin Constant
(Priceless)
Source date (UTC): 2012-03-31 10:47:00 UTC
“Lawmakers parcel out human existence, by right of conquest, like Alexander’s generals sharing the world.” – Benjamin Constant
(Priceless)
Source date (UTC): 2012-03-31 10:47:00 UTC
CONSERVATIVES RIDICULE THE PROGRESSIVES FROM THE SIXTIES
Chanting that progressives are trapped in an non-existent world.
But conservatives are trapped in the same context.
Libertarians have answers.
Libertarians have the only answers.
It just may not be the anarcho-capitalist libertarians that have the answers.
Source date (UTC): 2012-03-31 10:02:00 UTC
THE CHINESE INVENTED THE STATE FIRST No doubt. As an advocate of the hoppian concept of private governmnet, I don’t actually think that the ‘state’ is a ‘good’. I see it as a ‘bad’. Throughout the book, he assumes that the bureaucratic state is a ‘good’, when his analysis clearly shows that it’s a ‘bad’ thing. He does not tie economics into his argument except as a correlative result. THREE PRINCIPLES OF THE STATE ACCORDING TO FUKUYAMA 1. The Monopoly Of Violence – The Concentration Of Power Over Property 2. The Rule Of Law – Rules That Limit The Actions Of Those With A Monopoly On Violence 3. Accountability – Morally (Ostracization), Legally (threat), or Electorally Accountable (exchange) (Parenthetic comments added to show how this corresponds to the three [glossary:types of coercion] theory.) ORIGINS OF POLITICS IN BIOLOGY Fukuyama states that the origins of our political behavior is biological due to: 1. Kin Selection – Favor the number of genes you share with them 2. Reciprocal Altruism I dont think so, and I think that’s where he makes his mistake. I think that Haidt (relying on the work of… OMG I can’t find it) has undermined the argument for reciprocity or at least split it into two different traits. We limit the ability of purely violent alphas to dominate us, and in doing so develop cooperation. And we promote useful alphas that advance the genes of the group against other groups instead of the genes of just the alpha by that strategy. This then advances our ability to hunt cooperatively and rapidly expand our populations. Haidt separates this ‘liberty’ sentiment from the meritocratic sentiment – which he calls Proportionality as the causal differences in that create what we imprecisely observe as the reciprocity sentiment. And he effectively discounts or eliminates the reciprocity concept as material. As such the correct statements would be: 1 – Kin Selection (genetic preference) 2 – Liberty (defense against tyranny) 3 – Proportionality (meritocratic cooperation) RELIGION PROVIDES MORAL RULES I think that we can create a religion out of the western non-Biblical literary narrative. Which is precisely what the Whig theory of history, and Mortimer Adler and others attempted to do with the Great Works. What the English tried to do with revisiting their pagan mythology in the victorian era, and even what the germans tried to do with romanticism under Nietzsche and Wagner. THese are all means of creating celebratory moral systems not dependent upon Abrahamic or Persian/Hindu mysticism. This is the recommendation of de Botton, and others. EUROPEANS HAD LAW BEFORE ANY MONARCH COULD CREATE A STATE So they had to work within the framework of roman law that was resurrected and promoted by the church. DEMOCRACY ORIGINATED OCCURRED BY ACCIDENT He says that the way that democratic institutions happend in england was unique and because of that, not useful for developing countries: The king had to go to a particular feudal institution consisting of nobles to raise taxes. The struggle between the estates and the monarchy over this balance of powers was constant. The english accident was unique. It won’t be replicated. But it was the beginning of accountable government. Populations constrain the king. WHERE HE MISSES THE CAUSE: MARTIAL TRADITIONS My problem is that he doesn’t see this balance of powers as a unique strategy whose roots were in western martial tactics (as stated by many others.) So Fukuyama troubles me because he sees the democratic polity as being served by a legitimate government, rather than all government are totalitarian and that the only form of regulation is actually the balance of powers, and that democracy is a freak accident and a net negative compared to the balace of power between social classes created by multiple houses of government each of which has different powers and each of which represents the interets of different social classes. REPAIRING CONGRESS Fukuyama suggests that we should have more special committees and then the packages are voted up or down without amendments. He suggests that this would discourage special interests and pork. (I agree, but I’m not sure what it would lead to except more rapid implementation of even more interference. And I”m not sure we really need representative government.
THE CHINESE INVENTED THE STATE FIRST No doubt. As an advocate of the hoppian concept of private governmnet, I don’t actually think that the ‘state’ is a ‘good’. I see it as a ‘bad’. Throughout the book, he assumes that the bureaucratic state is a ‘good’, when his analysis clearly shows that it’s a ‘bad’ thing. He does not tie economics into his argument except as a correlative result. THREE PRINCIPLES OF THE STATE ACCORDING TO FUKUYAMA 1. The Monopoly Of Violence – The Concentration Of Power Over Property 2. The Rule Of Law – Rules That Limit The Actions Of Those With A Monopoly On Violence 3. Accountability – Morally (Ostracization), Legally (threat), or Electorally Accountable (exchange) (Parenthetic comments added to show how this corresponds to the three [glossary:types of coercion] theory.) ORIGINS OF POLITICS IN BIOLOGY Fukuyama states that the origins of our political behavior is biological due to: 1. Kin Selection – Favor the number of genes you share with them 2. Reciprocal Altruism I dont think so, and I think that’s where he makes his mistake. I think that Haidt (relying on the work of… OMG I can’t find it) has undermined the argument for reciprocity or at least split it into two different traits. We limit the ability of purely violent alphas to dominate us, and in doing so develop cooperation. And we promote useful alphas that advance the genes of the group against other groups instead of the genes of just the alpha by that strategy. This then advances our ability to hunt cooperatively and rapidly expand our populations. Haidt separates this ‘liberty’ sentiment from the meritocratic sentiment – which he calls Proportionality as the causal differences in that create what we imprecisely observe as the reciprocity sentiment. And he effectively discounts or eliminates the reciprocity concept as material. As such the correct statements would be: 1 – Kin Selection (genetic preference) 2 – Liberty (defense against tyranny) 3 – Proportionality (meritocratic cooperation) RELIGION PROVIDES MORAL RULES I think that we can create a religion out of the western non-Biblical literary narrative. Which is precisely what the Whig theory of history, and Mortimer Adler and others attempted to do with the Great Works. What the English tried to do with revisiting their pagan mythology in the victorian era, and even what the germans tried to do with romanticism under Nietzsche and Wagner. THese are all means of creating celebratory moral systems not dependent upon Abrahamic or Persian/Hindu mysticism. This is the recommendation of de Botton, and others. EUROPEANS HAD LAW BEFORE ANY MONARCH COULD CREATE A STATE So they had to work within the framework of roman law that was resurrected and promoted by the church. DEMOCRACY ORIGINATED OCCURRED BY ACCIDENT He says that the way that democratic institutions happend in england was unique and because of that, not useful for developing countries: The king had to go to a particular feudal institution consisting of nobles to raise taxes. The struggle between the estates and the monarchy over this balance of powers was constant. The english accident was unique. It won’t be replicated. But it was the beginning of accountable government. Populations constrain the king. WHERE HE MISSES THE CAUSE: MARTIAL TRADITIONS My problem is that he doesn’t see this balance of powers as a unique strategy whose roots were in western martial tactics (as stated by many others.) So Fukuyama troubles me because he sees the democratic polity as being served by a legitimate government, rather than all government are totalitarian and that the only form of regulation is actually the balance of powers, and that democracy is a freak accident and a net negative compared to the balace of power between social classes created by multiple houses of government each of which has different powers and each of which represents the interets of different social classes. REPAIRING CONGRESS Fukuyama suggests that we should have more special committees and then the packages are voted up or down without amendments. He suggests that this would discourage special interests and pork. (I agree, but I’m not sure what it would lead to except more rapid implementation of even more interference. And I”m not sure we really need representative government.
Is Political Legitimacy Possible? http://www.capitalismv3.com/2012/03/30/is-political-legitimacy-possible/
Source date (UTC): 2012-03-30 19:25:56 UTC
Original post: https://twitter.com/i/web/status/185810107504918528
Legitimacy would be ‘perfect’ if the actions of a representative (the government) were identical in both priority and content to the preferences of the individual. Legitimacy is neutral if the preferences and priorities are unobjectionable. Legitimacy is lost when the preferences and priorities are actively unwanted, despised or damaging. We can consider tyranny an absolute moral concept. Or a praxeological concept. As a praxeological concept, tyranny is the use of property (resources) to accomplish ends using means that we disagree with. Since there are three economies we operate within: the material, the normative, and the signaling economy, the chance of tyranny increases with the heterogeneity of material economic, normative economic, and signaling economies. As such tyranny is less likely to be expressed in a small homogenous society, and more likely, if not mandatory, in a large heterogenous society. This is one of the reasons that small european states preserved individual liberty, and consequential economic experimentation and innovation, while the competing civilizations, most of which were older and wealthier, were left behind by the competing disorganized european micro-states. As libertarians, it is useful to use praxeological analysis (the study of actions and transfers) rather than to stick with imprecise use of dogmatic first principles. Those first principles are useful because of their generality and wide applicability, but imprecise because of that generality. General principles, rather than causal explanations, may not inform us as to what insights and actions can actually help us achieve our objective: freedom, rather than simply whine about it.
Legitimacy would be ‘perfect’ if the actions of a representative (the government) were identical in both priority and content to the preferences of the individual. Legitimacy is neutral if the preferences and priorities are unobjectionable. Legitimacy is lost when the preferences and priorities are actively unwanted, despised or damaging. We can consider tyranny an absolute moral concept. Or a praxeological concept. As a praxeological concept, tyranny is the use of property (resources) to accomplish ends using means that we disagree with. Since there are three economies we operate within: the material, the normative, and the signaling economy, the chance of tyranny increases with the heterogeneity of material economic, normative economic, and signaling economies. As such tyranny is less likely to be expressed in a small homogenous society, and more likely, if not mandatory, in a large heterogenous society. This is one of the reasons that small european states preserved individual liberty, and consequential economic experimentation and innovation, while the competing civilizations, most of which were older and wealthier, were left behind by the competing disorganized european micro-states. As libertarians, it is useful to use praxeological analysis (the study of actions and transfers) rather than to stick with imprecise use of dogmatic first principles. Those first principles are useful because of their generality and wide applicability, but imprecise because of that generality. General principles, rather than causal explanations, may not inform us as to what insights and actions can actually help us achieve our objective: freedom, rather than simply whine about it.
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2Oe6HUgrRlQPROGRESSIVES ARE ALWAYS BEHIND THE CURVE — BUT THEY EVENTUALLY CATCH ON
Social integration through mythology and sermon. We just don’t need mysticism to make it happen. (And contrary to Neil Postman, we need both masculine and feminine story arcs.)
Source date (UTC): 2012-03-30 12:18:00 UTC
http://www.libertarianism.org/blog/important-concepts-political-obligationIS POLITICAL LEGITIMACY POSSIBLE?
Legitimacy would be ‘perfect’ if the actions of a representative (the government) were identical in both priority and content to the preferences of the individual.
Legitimacy is neutral if the preferences and priorities are unobjectionable. Legitimacy is lost when the preferences and priorities are actively unwanted, despised or damaging.
We can consider tyranny an absolute moral concept. Or a praxeological concept. As a praxeological concept, tyranny is the use of property (resources) to accomplish ends using means that we disagree with. Since there are three economies we operate within: the material, the normative, and the signaling economy, the chance of tyranny increases with the heterogeneity of material economic, normative economic, and signaling economies. As such tyranny is less likely to be expressed in a small homogenous society, and more likely, if not mandatory, in a large heterogenous society. This is one of the reasons that small european states preserved individual liberty, and consequential economic experimentation and innovation, while the competing civilizations, most of which were older and wealthier, were left behind by the competing disorganized european micro-states.
As libertarians, it is useful to use praxeological analysis (the study of actions and transfers) rather than to stick with imprecise use of dogmatic first principles. Those first principles are useful because of their generality and wide applicability, but imprecise because of that generality. General principles, rather than causal explanations, may not inform us as to what insights and actions can actually help us achieve our objective: freedom, rather than simply whine about it.
Source date (UTC): 2012-03-30 11:53:00 UTC
http://www.libertarianism.org/blog/important-concepts-political-obligationLegitimate authority cannot emereg among disparate economic, biological, or signalingdiversities. But otherwise this is solid thinking.
Source date (UTC): 2012-03-30 11:35:00 UTC