Author: Curt Doolittle

  • BACK ON THE BOOK I have been working on Oversing and personal matters pretty har

    BACK ON THE BOOK

    I have been working on Oversing and personal matters pretty hard for two months, and only written a lot for the past few days. And apparently, according to conversation tonight, I’m in trouble with my peers for not working on the book more than I have been.

    I see this as a crucial time for the product and I have to make sure that features get completed rather than features added. And that seems like a struggle. We need to finish features. And I’m stressed about it.

    Last I understood, we agreed that I would produce the outline (the powerpoint), and the videos. And that I would then get the book out. I also agreed to simplify the book along rothbardian lines, rather than construct it as an academic treatise.

    Right now I seem to have dealt with philosophy per se, and have to work through the various institutions and possible combinations. It is much easier than the work on truth. But it is territory, some of which I will have to leave open for empirical analysis. I can only suggest possible solutions that I think will work, using general principles. And that bothers me.

    The rest of the work is literally ‘fun’: applications of propertarian reasoning to all manner of moral questions.

    Those take a few days of thought and then a day or two of work.

    I gotta keep the guys happy or they’ll stick me in a tower somewhere until I”m done…. lol


    Source date (UTC): 2014-09-22 19:16:00 UTC

  • CONTRA LESTER: HOPPE IS RIGHT. THERE IS NO ALTERNATIVE TO PROPERTY. (worth promo

    CONTRA LESTER: HOPPE IS RIGHT. THERE IS NO ALTERNATIVE TO PROPERTY.

    (worth promoting and repeating)

    Lester’s central argument is that he has stated a pre-property and pre-moral argument. He has not. He has merely constructed a top down deduction of morality out of normative usage of the term liberty, and called it “interpersonal liberty”, rather than observed and empirically documented a bottom up definition of liberty using morality. In simple words, Lester has created a verbal distinction where none exists, and claimed the verbalism as an innovation. He uses elaborate justification and overloading to obscure his tautology. And so he creates a verbal innovation only, and one that strangely enough, depends upon a contradiction in terms.

    That generations of Cosmopolitans have engaged in deception and justification, including Berlin, who have extended the technique of hermeneutic argument, derived from centuries of justifying Jewish Scripture and dual-ethical law, is precisely the behavior I have constructed propertarianism to defend against. The postmoderns, the Freudians, the pseudoscientists that intentionally took over Sociology, the marxists, the critical rationalists under Popper, the feminists, the libertine-libertarians, and even Hoppe’s german rationalism, all make use of this anti-rational, anti-modern, anti-empirical verbalism. The reason the twentieth century was plagued by every form of pseudoscience and psuedo-ratioanlism was this new verbal mysticism, constructed by cosmopolitans with the same intention that the Germans invented continental rationalism, and the french invented their continental mythos: to retain group traditions in the face of empirical innovations in science that threatened them.

    Like I have said all along. I am returning libertarianism to a foundation in testimonial truth, operational definitions, and the scientific method, to expressly defend liberty against verbal error and deception that Lester is engaged in, along with all other pseudoscientists (Mises), pseudo-rationalists (Lester and Block), and outright ideologists (Rothbard) that engage in Verbalism rather than demonstrable action.

    1) Humans must acquire and inventory, and evolved to intuit acquisitiveness.

    2) That which humans act to obtain without imposition upon in-group members they intuit as their property.

    3) The scope of those things they act or choose not to act upon constitute their demonstrated definition of property-en-toto.

    4) Emotions reflect changes in state of property-en-toto.

    5) Moral intuitions reflect prohibitions on free riding (imposed costs).

    6) Moral intuitions vary to suit one’s reproductive strategy (compatibilism but conflict)

    7) Moral rules reflect prohibitions on free riding given the structure of the family in relation to the necessary and available structure of production.

    8) Property rights are the positive enumeration in contractual form, of those moral rules which any polity agrees to enforce with the promise of violence for the purpose of restitution or punishment.

    9) Property rights are necessary as an instrumental representation of moral prohibitions because of the unobservability of changes in state. (we have no lie detectors). And as such we require an observable proxy for evidence of changes in state.

    Lester is irrelevant. He is not harmful. He is just irrelevant.


    Source date (UTC): 2014-09-22 18:02:00 UTC

  • COMPLETING MY ANALYSIS OF LESTER (FINAL WORD NECESSARY I SUSPECT) (thanks to Kar

    COMPLETING MY ANALYSIS OF LESTER (FINAL WORD NECESSARY I SUSPECT)

    (thanks to Karl for helping me with this topic)

    An individual, a gang of thugs, and members of a state, all may impose costs on you. They call may conduct criminal, unethical and immoral actions. However since it takes more than one to conspire, only a gang and a state can conspire. And since it requires a state (a territorial monopoly) to violate your liberty (freedom of interference from the state) then only state actors, by definition, can violate liberty in fact, while the gang and a group and an individual can only violate your liberty by ANALOGY. They can all engage in immoral actions, where the spectrum of immorality includes criminal, unethical, immoral and conspiratorial actions.

    Why is this very technical argument necessary? Because it shows that while morality (freedom from imposed costs) evolved, and for the purpose of distinction, was divided into morality and liberty, all Lester has done is to divide Liberty into two categories: Political Liberty and Interpersonal Liberty, by constructing the NAME interpersonal liberty, (which is itself a contradiction in terms), and claiming that he has made a pre moral pre-property argument. He hasn’t. He’s just made up a new word. That doesn’t diminish that he worked backwards from political liberty to identify morality, but it does mean that his claim that he has created a pre-moral definition of liberty is false.

    History tells us that morality evolved first, and that Liberty evolved second, like rule of law, a constraint upon the government, no matter how that government was constructed, that it must perpetuate and not violate those moral rules. Religion even today constrains government to not violate moral rules – that is why conservatives are successful.

    Science tells us that (a) humans evolved to be acquisitive of many things, and changes in human gratification, are synonymous with changes in property en toto, (b) morality, and agitated punishment for moral violation, evolved as instinct against free riding and imposting costs against property en toto, of those with whom we cooperate in order to prevent parasitism, (c) property rights adjudicable under law, constitute a contractual agreement to resolve conflicts over only a subset of those forms of property needed for cooperation in the community given its division of knowledge and labor, and (d) the subset of property necessary to construct liberty (from the state) is that which prevents enough retaliation for any moral violation in the possible scope of moral violations, that will produce conflict or retaliation, and therefore demand for an authoritarian state, to either suppress retaliation or apply violence to those who violate moral rules outside of courts, and; (e) the subset that prevents demand for government is the construction of contractual institutions rather than authoritarian instructions which allow the construction of enforceable contracts for the production of commons necessary for any group to compete against any other group, as well as those commons which groups wish to prevent from consumption (parks etc).

    Lester practices “get away with it’ Truth. He’s a cosmopolitan libertine using marxist arguments and hiding behind a misrepresentation of critical rationalism – which is in itself hermeneutic and cosmopolitan. He has constructed and makes use of extant meaning, not action or necessity. As such I cannot use his work. He is the kind of fuzzy thinker that we require propertarianism, operationalism and testimonial truth to defend ourselves from – and therefore end the century of pseudoscientific and pseudo philosophical mysticism.

    I have sketched this out enough times that I have reduced the necessary argument to this little bit. It has taken me, as usual, quite a bit of effort to do so. But as far as I know, my criticism of Lester is the best extant, and he is little other than another example of the culture of critique: a cosmopolitan of libertine sentiments using marxist arguments like most libertine libertarians will be all but impossible to refute.

    So as far as I know, Lester not immoral like Rothbard, he’s just immaterial.

    I may refine this a net or two, but it’s pretty much rock solid. Like I say. I am good at what I do. It’s just an objective observation. It sounds like egoism – but the truth is it’s because I work very, very hard, and no other reason. When I construct a debate it is so that I can learn under fire. I’m an aristocratic egalitarian after all.


    Source date (UTC): 2014-09-22 16:10:00 UTC

  • MORE ON REVIEW OF LESTER (Just my thoughts as I went through the book today) As

    MORE ON REVIEW OF LESTER

    (Just my thoughts as I went through the book today)

    As I said yesterday there isn’t anything novel or of value in lester’s work and it’s no use to me. Which is all I wanted to know.

    IT IS VERY HARD TO IMPROVE UPON HOPPE

    My criticism of Hans’ work is highly technical, and I view mine as both restating his and extending it for heterogeneous polities in the anglo model. I’m open to new insights but there just aren’t any. Property like money renders the incommensurable commensurable.

    MISREPRESENTATION OF CRITICAL RATIONALISM

    Critical rationalism argues the following general prescriptions for the ‘moral’ practice of scientific investigation.

    1) Uncertainty. We can never know whether any theory we construct, test and falsify, and therefore can find no fault with, is the most parsimonious description of causal relations possible without stating a tautology (the Truth), or whether new knowledge and understanding will replace our theory with one that is even more parsimonious.

    2) Decidability. Given that the unknown always exists, it is impossible to to choose between theories that are more likely to be true (Decidability), without the addition of subjective preference (Or what in math would be considered contextual precision). In other words, given infinity as a denominator, probability is incalculable.

    3) Criticism. The only means of iterative improvement of any theory is constant criticism (hardening for greater parsimony) which increases the empirical content of a theory, rather than additional confirmation of the theory which do not and cannot. No amount of confirmation will increase the content, only failure and therefore additional increases in parsimony increase increase content.

    OPEN ISSUES IN CRITICAL RATIONALISM

    It is not clear that the following are not true:

    1) Popper’s main concern at the time he wrote was that science not practice pseudoscience in the public space, and that the then-pseudoscience of economics in particular was not used with greater authority than science can offer us. As such his argument is that we not abuse science and instead conduct it morally. It is not clear that this moral argument is in fact as certain as he argues, only that to prevent harm we should act in this manner whether it is true or not. Only empirical research can tell us.

    2) Popper’s argument is a moral not logical, nor scientific one. We must ACT as such because acting as such will produce the best ecology of scientific investigation. It is not at all clear that under empirical analysis:

    ….(a) we appear to be quite good at prosecuting theories with both confirmation (repeating) testing, and falsifying those theories.

    ….(b) we appear to practice investigation by following least-cost means of experimentation. And it is not clear that least-cost-experimentation, because it is empirically incremental in itself, is not the best algorithm for investigation. As such it is not clear that the choice between theories to prosecute is in fact undecidable.

    ….(c) scientists only require a theory be stated in falsifiable terms, and do not practice criticism, but either instead expand application of theory to the point of failure, OR, posit a highly explanatory theory and attempt to confirm it. It is not clear that they would benefit from some other means of investigation, and it appears to be economically as well as logically difficult to imagine that the expansion of a theory to the point of failure, or confirmation then expansion of a grand hypothesis does not produce greater empirical content than criticism of a theory. It is hard to argue otherwise and that is why science practices as they do.

    LESTER’S STRANGE USE OF CRITICAL RATIONALISM

    Lester takes the position that if he can conjecture something that is verbally non-contradictory it stands until it is falsified. As long as he can construct alternative hypotheses then his statements remain unfalsified. Rather than,if he presents us with a hardened argument that is both internally consistent and externally correspondent, and therefore it is open to criticism. Science practices operational language to prevent precisely the kind of verbalism he practices. Operational definitions are necessary to give names to actions and observations that are non-fungible, and are repeatable because repeatability is the only means by which we can test that our perceived meaning that corresponds to reality. Lester seems to feel that he can construct axiomatic arguments by defining terms such as liberty rather than making use of extant terms, then neither subject them to tests of internal consistency, nor external correspondence. Instead, he seems to feel that internal consistency and external correspondence are unnecessary and that falsification must be conducted yet he gives us nothing concretely stated enough to falsify. He does not feel the need to justify his theory, in the sense of constructing internally consistent and externally correspondent statements – only hand wave some verbalism and then run from testing of that argument by providing convenient alternate hypothesis. This is not critical rationalism. It is not criticism. It is a verbal deception.

    FROM LEVIATHAN

    Lester maintains that he constructs a non-moral approach:

    —“An important aspect of the compatibility thesis is the non‐ moral approach that I take throughout. It might help to give an early and explicit explanation of this somewhat unusual idea of eschewing moral advocacy. … if it is possible effectively to defend the congruence of liberty and welfare in practice, then there is no practical need for an ultimate moral defense of either”—

    However this just means that he is unfamiliar with the literature on the evolution of morality. And as such he lacks the knowledge that morality (prohibition on free riding) is an objective necessity universal to man, without which cooperation is neither rational nor possible to evolve. Morality is necessary for cooperation.

    And that the prohibition on free riding used in that literature is synonymous with the imposition of costs. (see Axelrod et all, Haidt’s Bibliography).

    In addition, Lester fails to grasp that in all cases we can think of, human satisfaction and dissatisfaction correspond to increases and decreases in property. (See Propertarianism) wherein property is defined empirically through observation of man’s actions, rather than either arbitrarily or pragmatically.

    ****So since lester lacks current understanding of the literature, he is unable to identify that he has correctly identified the moral intuition of imposed cost, but he merely states that imposed cost affects satisfaction, but not the origin of satisfaction and dissatisfaction as the accumulation of various forms of resources.****

    Lester defines ‘moral’ as a synonym for ‘norm’ rather than that the portfolio of norms in any polity consist of (a) objective moral necessities (prohibitions on free riding) given their structure of family and structure of production, (b) arbitrary taboos (c) signals of conformity to norms. So lester fails to correctly understand the difference between the set of norms which includes moral prohibitions, and morals, which are objectively testable statements of morality:

    —“I certainly do not mean to belittle moral arguments as such. It is

    simply that to bring in moral arguments would distract from my

    arguments for objective compatibility. An analogical defense of this non-moral thesis occurs to me. Suppose two undiscovered primitive tribes living in the same region. One tribe thinks that eating any part of animals without hearts is immoral. The other tribe thinks that eating any part of animals without kidneys is

    immoral. They have heated debates about both the moral issues and

    the empirical facts about which animals have which organs. They feel

    moral contempt for each other and continually attack each other in

    attempts to enforce their moral views. Peaceful association suffers

    considerably. “—

    THE PATTERN THAT EMERGES

    Lester relies upon two assumptions: Marxist argumentative technique of dialectic, and definitions of terms as used in colloquial language. (It is perhaps telling that Marx himself noted that by making his arguments using dialectic that he could not be held accountable for their failure. (CD: Cit Needed) )

    So lester (a) misrepresents theories under CR as untestable via defense, against criticisms of internal consistency and external correspondence (b) engages in fungible language, and (c) relies upon dialectical argument. What this pattern results in, is Lester’s convenient insulation from criticism on the one hand, and argument by nothing but colloquial analogy on the other.

    Example:

    —“My view is not that there are ‘essences’ or ‘true meanings’ of these things but that there is often at least one of the following errors concerning them: a sound

    commonsense understanding or plain English usage is being flouted for no valid reason (such as ‘coercion’ being extended beyond ‘the use of force’); there is no clear account of the real phenomenon which some word denotes, and a better account is needed to avoid confusion (such as ‘weakness of will’); there is no clear meaning to some word and so a better definition, only partly stipulative, can assist in clarifying what people must intend (such as the libertarian use of ‘liberty’); there are important logical and practical connections among these ideas and the things they denote in the world, which are no more ‘merely verbal’ than are, say, the theories of geometry (such as anarchy being intrinsically liberal). Thus I intend my approach not to be the mere linguistic analysis of normal usage but what W. W. Bartley, following Popper, calls ‘diacritical analysis’ “—

    It is interesting, and perhaps telling, that both Postmoderns, Libertarians, and Neo-Conservatives rely upon marxist rationalist argumentation rather than science. In the absence of science, meaning, in the absence of observation and instrumentation, it is necessary to rely upon rationalism. But once science is present, all rationalism in all fields has been replaced by that science.

    For example, in the above paragraph:

    –“there is no clear meaning to some word and so a better definition, only partly stipulative, can assist in clarifying what people must intend (such as the libertarian use of ‘liberty’);”–

    This is a confusion of precision. A term, rather than a name, must represent a category rather than an instance, and all terms and theories must exist in correspondence to a context. Newton is not false at human scale, and the speed of light is infinite at human scale, and rather slow at galactic scale.

    We can easily separate necessary properties of a term from arbitrary. Much of intellectual history consists of doing just that.

    So his statement is untrue. It is entirely possible to state the word ‘imagine’ and we understand what imagine must mean in use and in experience, but we cannot understand what the word imagine means in *construction*: how it exists. We can say the same for intuition: the construction of our intuition is invisible to us,but the USE of our intuition is not, and the experience of our intuition is marginally indifferent, so that we can use the name of that experience of intuition both as USE and as EXPERIENCE even if we cannot articulate its CONSTRUCTION.

    So in the case of liberty, liberty is and always has been freedom from imposition by authority – the government (or state). We have used colloquial analogy to refer to anthropomorphic parallels such as fate. We CAN use the term liberty as an analogy for the experience of any interference in our preferences by any actor or anthropomorphized phenomenon. But (a)the term liberty, (b)the anthropomorphized analogy to liberty for use in describing natural phenomenon, and (c) the analogy of liberty for use in the application of political constraint to all human actors even those outside of authoritarian conditions, are not equal conditions. They differ in Construction. As such they are similar referents, but not equal referents.

    Conversely, what they share in common is the prohibition on external constraint. In this sense, Lester’s argument is that we began with the political constraint, by analogy state that refers to general constraint by all natural and supernatural forces, and we apply that general constraint by analogy to the individual actors as well as state actors, and state as a consequence that what we desire in all conditions of life is to be free of constraint analogous to political constraint and then he renames that political constraint’s objective description to the subjective experiential description of a loss of satisfaction.

    He does this to circumvent the opposite: that humans evolved moral intuitions necessary for cooperation, and under the state, when it later evolved, we demanded to retain these moral rules, that reflect our moral intuitions necessary for cooperation.

    Humans can murder, destroy, harm, steal, fraud, fraud by omission, conduct fraud by indirection, fraud by interference, free riding, they can privatize commons, socialize losses into the commons, engage in conspiracies, and form political conspiracies (governments) of beneficial and non-beneficial kinds – all of which impose costs upon others.

    And we referred to liberty we referred to liberty from the state, morality as the freedom from imposition of in-group members.

    HOW IS MINIMIZATION OF IMPOSED COSTS INSTRUMENTALLY CALCULABLE?

    (….it isn’t that’s why we use property…)

    COMPATIBILISM IS NOT THE SAME AS PREFERENCE

    Again, in stating that liberty and welfare are not incompatible he relies upon the same structure of argument: that while they are not incompatible under X conditions and Y preferences, that the may be incompatible and undesirable under X conditions and Z preferences. Which turns out to be the case. That is, that only a small minority of human beings demonstrate a preference for liberty because liberty requires accountability. All humans demonstrate a preference for joining cultures with higher levels of liberty, because with higher levels of liberty (and the higher levels of trust that make liberty possible) we create greater economic velocity and greater ability to consume. As such, individuals rarely demonstrate a preference for liberty, and instead demonstrate a preference for consumption and security.

    So this is the Lesterian method: if there is any hope of something being true it is not falsifiable. And since any set of theories are, under Critical Preference, undecidable, then either may be true.

    however this fails to grasp that while something may not be logically decidable it is always preferentially decidable and humans choose to make those decisions. That is the entire premise of Critical Preference: the content is not extant to make a decision without content external to the theory. Preference is always extant.

    THE THREE METHODS:

    THE ANALYTIC METHOD

    Requires we use precise definitions and speak clearly for precisely these reasons. This produces as close to an axiomatic argument as possible that is therefore testable for internal consistency, and more easily criticized than one that is not.

    THE OPERATIONAL METHOD

    The operational method requires that we use operational definitions so that we know all objects that we consider in our argument are existential through action in practice or thought. And that we are not adding imaginary content.

    THE SCIENTIFIC METHOD

    (………….)

    WHY DO I CARE?

    I care because lester correctly identified morality,and is the only libertarian I have found to correctly identify morality. We cannot construct liberty without morality (cooperation).

    Morality is a necessary property of cooperation. But lester states that (a) his solution is an innovation, where he just substitutes the euphemism “personal liberty’ for ‘morality’, and then claims he has constructed a non-moral, non, propertarian solution to the problem facing libertarians. Then (b) he misstates the problem facing libertarians as failing to grasp what he theorizes, while, in reality, they had always assumed the same principle in subjective value, but also understood that it is not possible to test subjective experiences as a third party jurist. (c) Under a third party jurist, under rule of law, with sufficient axioms (property rights), it is possible to resolve conflicts in a group without rents, bias, favoritism, or arbitrary decision making. Such juridical testing via a third party jurist requires instrumentation. We know that all humans collect property. We know that all humans know the difference between property they constructed without imposition and that which they have not. We know that humans organize inventory of property at the individual, family and extended family and tribe levels. We know that the number of permutations of property as such varies but loosely reflects each family structure. As such Property is the instrumentation by which we test violations of normative expectations of property that the polity is willing to use violence to constraint.

    Central to this argument is that no man is an island. He must cooperate with others in production in some normative capacity, and he must reproduce with others in reproduction in some normative capacity. Or rather he CAN do otherwise but not as a general rule, only as an exception to the general rule – otherwise man would not exist. Capitalism allows us to construct a voluntary organization of production, and freedom to choose our mates within any given family structure, allows us to construct a voluntary organization of reproduction. But in both cases our individualism allows us to construct either reproduction or production voluntarily. That does not mean that we can survive without extant structures and norms.

    Our problem then is one of constructing general rules for the adjudication of differences intolerable to the polity – but not more. This process eliminates retaliation, eliminates demand for the state, and allows the rational adjudication of differences just as property, money and prices allow rational calculation of planning. Both dispute resolution and planning are required for the voluntary organization of production. The voluntary organization of production has proven infinitely more productive than the involuntary organization of production in no small part because it provides incentives to work, as well as provides incentives to innovate.

    Lester presents us with a word game by simply replacing morality with the contradiction in terms of ‘interpersonal liberty’, instead of defining morality as freedom from the imposition of costs, and liberty as the freedom from the imposition of costs by the state. Furthermore, Lester does not solve the problem of instrumentation, where instrumentation in juridical dispute is the problem facing libertarians.

    (a) given the necessity of humans to collect resources of all kinds, and;

    (b) given human subjective emotional responses reflect increases and decreases in inventory of various forms of property accumulated, and;

    (c) given that cooperation is only valuable if it increases inventories rather than decreases them (parasitism), and;

    (c) given that different polities evolve allocation of decision making over property at various levels of atomicity that reflects the needs of the means of production and the structure of the family engaged in production (and reproduction), and;

    (d) that various groups construct different allocations of property rights that they are willing to adjudicate (use violence for the purpose of punishment or restitution.)

    (e) allocations of property rights will vary to reflect the needs of the polity.

    (f) that total atomicity of property provides incentives to individuals, and the ability to engage in rational economic calculation regardless of family structure.

    We currently use property as the instrumental test of unjustified interference in the behaviors of others…..

    SOLVING THE PROBLEM OF INSTRUMENTALISM

    We have the following choices:

    (a) we must, despite current failures, identify a necessary, non-preferential definition of property and the means of transgression against it;

    Conclusion The common law provides the incremental means of protecting us from crime, fraud, free riding, socialization, privatization, conspiracy. As such the rule of law, organically produced, using property as an instrumental measure of violation of the rules of cooperation necessary for production.

    The difference between this propertarian position and the lesterian position is that our answer is necessary and testable.

    Or (b) we must empirically test what definition of property provides people with the experience of liberty and define the experience of liberty as people demonstrate the experience of liberty.

    Conclusion: the current evidence is that small, homogenous communities that operate as extended families produce the highest trust and therefore the greatest kinship defense (redistribution) as well as the highest economic velocity. These people prohibit even the most tentatively immoral actions.

    Or (c) we must abandon property as the objective instrumental measure of whether we experience a condition of liberty or not, and then identify an alternative means of measurement;

    Conclusion we can find no alternative that both is instrumentally ascertainable, and permits the voluntary (meritocratic)structure of production thereby giving us control over our reproduction (structure of reproduction).

    Or (d) we must identify how to eliminate all possible means of transgression against our property, regardless of its constitution, such that no limit to our consideration of property is necessary.

    Conclusion: we accomplish this feat by using the common law, and contractual government, to eliminate demand for the state either as a suppressor of retaliation, and enforcer of arbitrary norms, producer of commons, and insurer of last resort.

    As such libertarians have two choices. Either

    1) define property as all possible forms of property that humans demonstrate, articulate them in the law, and thereby construct a high-trust polity. (The conservative proposition), with no demand for the state.

    2) Define all possible property humans demonstrate and ask communities to subscribe to those that suit their preferences at the expense of trust (economic velocity), with no demand for the state.

    3) Determine the limit at which polities with different properties demonstrate demand for the state.

    More later if I can find anything of value….


    Source date (UTC): 2014-09-22 09:50:00 UTC

  • UKRAINE THEN THE REST —“Russia is far stronger, and the West far weaker, than

    http://www.businessinsider.com/putin-is-quietly-consolidating-gains-in-ukraine-2014-9#ixzz3E3EyNZzhFIRST UKRAINE THEN THE REST

    —“Russia is far stronger, and the West far weaker, than many imagine,” writes Putin foreign policy adviser Sergey Karaganov. “The West that Russia now faces is not the self-confident alliance that proclaimed itself victor of the cold war. It is a directionless gaggle, beset with economic insecurities and losing sight of its moral convictions. America and its allies once held the future in their hands, but at the beginning of this Asian century they have let it slip through their fingers. Their crowning accomplishment was globalization – and they are destroying it with economic sanctions they incoherently describe as instruments of self-defense.”—


    Source date (UTC): 2014-09-22 09:35:00 UTC

  • Jeff Greise)

    http://www.businessinsider.com/ukraine-is-on-the-brink-of-total-economic-collapse-2014-9(ht Jeff Greise)


    Source date (UTC): 2014-09-22 04:29:00 UTC

  • LESTER’S THEORY OF LIBERTY IS MEANINGLESS His claim: He has created a theory of

    LESTER’S THEORY OF LIBERTY IS MEANINGLESS

    His claim:

    He has created a theory of liberty

    That theory of liberty precedes any dependence upon property (depends on the definition of property)

    That theory precedes any dependence upon morality (this is false)

    That this theory obviates the dependence upon property for the definition of liberty. (property is not the question, the practical scope of property adjudicable under law is the question, furthermore subjective value is assumed but untestable by third parties)

    That this theory is innovative (it is merely a restatement of subjective value)

    I can criticize it as such:

    1) “interpersonal liberty” is a contradiction in terms. Liberty has referred to freedom from interference in matters of property by the state. One cannot conduct interpersonal state operations. That is a contradiction in terms.

    2) morality is demonstrable as a prohibition against free riding necessary for any organism to cooperate. Free riding is an imposed cost.

    3) Lester has substituted the contradiction of “interpersonal liberty” for “morality”, rather than expressing liberty as the state of freedom from state imposition of costs (immorality).

    To refute this

    (a) one must demonstrate that the term liberty with its long history evolved as moral rather than political prohibition. (I think this is impossible)

    OR

    (b )To demonstrate that morality defined as the imposition of costs (free riding in economic and anthropological terms) is somehow different from the political imposition of costs. (I think this is impossible)

    THEREFORE HIS ARGUMENT IS NOT PRE-MORAL, IT IS EXPRESSLY MORAL AND HIS CLAIM IS FALLACIOUS: IT IS MERELY A WORD GAME – A DECEPTION OR AN ERROR.

    FURTHERMORE

    The purpose of property is to eliminate deception because of the impossibility of measuring changes in subjective value, (lying); and furthermore, the degree of suppression of free riding is dependent upon the economic division of labor AND the family structure extant in any polity. As such the definition of property varies from group to group as the conditions necessary for the conduct of free riding (cost imposition) is constituted from variable conditions. Property definitions limit the scope of impositions of merit to the community.

    Change in satisfaction is synonymous with subjective value. There is no difference. There is no debate outside of marxism with subjective value. The question is the objective means of measuring what the polity tolerates as decreases in subjective value that the community is willing to use violence in order to perform restitution.

    As such while he claims to have solved the problem of liberty, he has not, since his argument is no improvement over subjective value, and our problem is a means of measurement of something immune to deception that we are willing to use force in order to rectify (restitution).

    The question of liberty (preventing state immorality under rule of law) requires one of the following:

    (a) we must, despite current failures, identify a necessary, non-preferential definition of property and the means of transgression against it;

    Or (b) we must empirically test what definition of property provides people with the experience of liberty and define the experience of liberty as people demonstrate the experience of liberty.

    Or (c) we must abandon property as the objective instrumental measure of whether we experience a condition of liberty or not, and then identify an alternative means of measurement;

    Or (d) we must identify how to eliminate all possible means of transgression against our property, regardless of it constitution, such that no limit to our consideration of property is necessary.

    24 mins · Like

    Calling a cat a dog does not change the properties of the cat.

    Saying the cart comes before the horse doesn’t fly either. Morality precedes liberty.

    You can choose to call me whatever name you want but that does not change me.

    You can call someone else my name but that does not make him me.

    You can call morality the name “interpersonal liberty”, but that does not mean the properties of “interpersonal-liberty” are not is identical with morality. They are.

    His whole edifice is nonsense. Empty verbalism. And furthermore it’s as bad an abuse of critical rationalism as I have ever seen.


    Source date (UTC): 2014-09-21 23:30:00 UTC

  • Eli Harman shared a link to your timeline

    Eli Harman shared a link to your timeline.


    Source date (UTC): 2014-09-21 22:59:00 UTC

  • THE REASON THE WEST IS HESITANT TO GRANT MONEY TO UKRAINE (important)(pervasive

    THE REASON THE WEST IS HESITANT TO GRANT MONEY TO UKRAINE

    (important)(pervasive Russian corruption and sympathizers in the bureaucracy)

    Entry into the western family of countries requires the elimination of Russian Kleptocracy (systemic corruption) that was endemic under Russian backed administrations. It does no good to give Ukraine money or access to Europe, if this corruption is not eradicated. (And this is why Russia is fighting so hard in Ukraine, because if Ukraine can, like Poland, evolve out of a low-trust, high-corruption, kleptocracy in the absence of Russian influence, then so can Russia and the Russian people. To prevent loss of control (Putin is now wealthier than bill gates), Putin and his ThinkTanks have used the press to convince Russians that they are not white (european) and that the west is engaged in suicide that the Russians must defend against, thus making them non-european. And therefore justifying totalitarianism (russian kelptocracy).

    UKRAINE’S COMING PURGE OF RUSSIAN SYMPATHIZERS

    Ukraine has just started a new organization, whose purpose is to cleanse the Ukrainian bureaucracy of corruption (russian-sympathzing kleptocrats, as well as corrupt Ukrainians). This new organizatino is structured as a new independent police force in a rigid hierarchy and entry into these positions requires that applications possess experience in business and industry and NOT IN GOVERNMENT. (yes you heard that right. what if we did that in the states?) The salaries for these jobs are high enough that graft and corruption are hard to accomplish.

    BIOMETRIC PASSPORTS

    So, in order to issue biometric passports they must first purge the ranks, show europeans that they can reliably issue passports, and demonstrate that the passports themselves and the equipment will not fall into Russian and Russian-sympathizing hands.

    Trust matters, everywhere and everywhere. Diversity destroys trust. You cannot invade ukraine with russians and create trust, any more than you can invade any other populace with a competitor and create trust.

    WHY RUSSIA HAS A MORAL ARGUMENT: WESTERN SUICIDAL MULTICULTURALISM

    The single argument that Russia has going for it is western suicidal stance on immigration. Russia promotes nationalism, as should the european countries. If not for this one problem in the west, Russia would have no argument to make. But as long as the west proceeds with its suicide through multiculturalism, equality and massive immigration, Russia will have a legitimate argument with which to separate Russian peoples from european peoples.

    The means by which we unite all circumpolar people is to re-nationalize liberalism and end the divide between west and eastern Europe.

    You might not like it but that’s just how it is.


    Source date (UTC): 2014-09-21 21:28:00 UTC

  • I am not into racism or antisemitism. I am critical of every one of the enlighte

    I am not into racism or antisemitism. I am critical of every one of the enlightenment grroups for their stuipidity.

    (worth repeating)

    —“I am not interested in anti-semitism. I argue only against the accidental application of jewish in-group ethics and argument structure as pseudoscience in an era where our western extant means of logic and argument at human scale required our retention of european testimonial truth and operationalism because at that time our intellectual problems in all fields exceeded human scale.

    I am not anti semitic. Just the opposite. I’m a compatibilist. I do think the Jewish century is over with, and that it was tragically harmful. If you want to get involved in racism or whatever, that is not what I do. I think it’s always the wrong question. The answer is why you subject yourself to internal political competition, not why other pursue a better life for themselves.

    I do not think Jews understood what they were doing any more than we anglo europeans understood what we were doing, or the germans or the french understood what they were doing. We all just justified what we had done before in the new context in order to maintain group cohesion.

    My effort is to make us understand what happened, and why jewish pseudoscientific thought in all disciplines was so easy to attack western civilization with.”—


    Source date (UTC): 2014-09-21 21:13:00 UTC