@eyeslasho PLEASE CONSIDER: In the english constitution “the monarchy is above t

@eyeslasho
PLEASE CONSIDER:
In the english constitution “the monarchy is above the law in the restoration of the law”. This is the last necessary function of our monarchies. They overcome the limitations of oligarchical, republican, parliamentary, and democratic governments.

If the choice is between civil war, insurrection, internecine conflict, decline, conquest or collapse vs a constitutional restoration followed by voluntary abdication, is to do so as the least of all evils. As we have seen repeatedly and successfully especially during the Roman era, then this is the obligation of kings – and lacking one, a president – if, done by restoring the constitution, including natural law, the sovereignty of the people, the sovereignty of the court in their defense from the state, the sovereignty of the states within the federation, the empiricism of the common law, the empiricism of concurrency between classes, regions, and states in voting and in legislation. We have a purely empirical system of federal government – a market between states. And it has been usurped in the war era by ideologists, and in the postwar period by credentialists and their ideology – all of which violate the above listed principles: a science of political decidability.

Depending upon how you count them, our constitution and bill of rights have between eight and two dozen holes. They were the product of Blackstone, the long development of the natural law of cooperation through enlightenment empiricism – and as stated by the founders, dependent upon a moral population, and the unstated traditions they carried with them. So while their theory of cooperation was in fact scientific, they did not capture its entirety and in doing so left it open to seditions – seditions we have seen manifest and most aggressively since the end of the world wars, reaching their peak in the lawfare of the sixties, and the capture of education, media, and the state since then.

I have been working for the majority of my adult life, and so has our organization, to prevent the rather deterministic outcome of these many abuses, which we, like others before us, anticipated would culminate in a civil war before the end of the next decade. But as so many august authors have noted, americans can adapt faster than all other nations combined. What began as the Reagan revolution, expanded to the Tea Party, and has become the foundation of the Trump movement, was to historians of civilizational cycles, as predictable as the seasons.

So, if it has come to pass that the lower courts have been captured as thoroughly as the bureaucracy, the media, the academy, and the international financial sector – then let us have our peaceful revolution by political restoration of the law, rather than the bloodshed that would result otherwise.

The world has changed more than we had expected as our failure to completely defeat the remaining agrarian empires during the world wars, gave sustenance to their survival, and our long project to end empires in favor of sovereign nation states, federations around a core state, and the transformation of landed conflict to economic competition – a virtuous cycle – has not survived our the dissipation of our population, our culture, our scientific and technological advantage, our institutional advantage, and the economic and military result that made our efforts at domesticating man for the new era possible.

Do not presume pour choice is between continuing the past and a political reformation, when the past is no longer possible and our choice is between that reformation or civil war, decline, and possible collapse, in a world of empires reemergent – let loose by our folly.

Curt Doolittle
The Natural Law Institute

BURNHAM’S FAILURES OF DEMOCRACIES
Burnham presents a realist analysis of politics, arguing that democratic governments tend to converge on bad decisions due to the inevitable dominance of elite rule and the structural incentives that undermine genuine representation and accountability. This tendency arises from several interrelated principles:

1. The Iron Law of Oligarchy (Michels)
All political organizations, including democracies, inevitably develop an elite ruling class.
This elite, once in power, acts in its own self-interest rather than in the interest of the public.
Over time, democratic institutions become facades for oligarchic rule, where elites manipulate democratic processes to maintain their dominance.

2. Political Myth and Manipulation
Public opinion is shaped by myths, slogans, and ideology rather than rational decision-making.
Elites use these myths (e.g., ‘the will of the people’) to justify their rule while making decisions that serve their own interests.

3. The Circulation of Elites (Pareto)
Societies experience a continual replacement of elites, but new elites adopt the same self-serving behaviors as their predecessors.
Elites use both force and persuasion (‘lions and foxes’) to retain power, leading to policies that prioritize elite survival over public welfare.

4. Democratic Degeneration into Mass Bureaucracy
As democracies expand and become bureaucratic, decision-making shifts from accountable representatives to unaccountable administrative and technocratic elites.
Bureaucrats and entrenched interest groups create policies that protect their own power rather than optimize for societal well-being.

5. Short-Term Incentives and the Decay of Responsibility (Owner vs Renter incentives, political tragedy of the commons)
Democratic leaders prioritize short-term electoral success over long-term governance.
Policies that provide immediate political gain (e.g., welfare expansion, deficit spending, demagoguery) tend to be chosen over difficult but necessary decisions.

6. Majoritarian Pressure and Mediocrity
Democracy incentivizes appealing to the lowest common denominator rather than promoting excellence.
Politicians must cater to mass sentiment, which often favors simplistic, emotional, or expedient solutions over sound governance.

These principles explain why democratic governments tend to make systematically poor decisions: they are captured by oligarchic elites, shaped by mass manipulation, driven by short-term incentives, and constrained by bureaucratic inertia.

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